Somaliland Residents Express High Hopes for Independence

The people of the African republic of Somaliland voted in 1991 to become an independent nation.

They argue that there are enough cultural, political and social differences between them and the people of Somalia to make Somaliland a separate country, as was the case briefly in 1960. But the world has not yet formally recognized an independent Somaliland, a cause dear to the hearts of its people.

Cathy Majtenyi files this report for VOA on the push for international recognition.

VOA (Hargeisa) - In Somaliland's capital Hargeisa, people gather for a rally to reaffirm their independence from Somalia, a war-torn country they say they want no part of.
Somaliland sits along the coast of the Gulf of Aden in the northernmost part of what is internationally recognized as Somalia.

Somaliland declared independence in 1991. It has its own government, police force, army and other institutions.

But even Somalia does not recognize the independence that is dear to the hearts of Somalilanders like Abdi Barre Osman, who took part in the rally in Hargeisa. He says, "If you get recognition, maybe you can get your rights or you can get everything, but if you do not have any recognition, maybe you are like nothing. So we are requesting from the world community to recognize our country as soon as possible."

Somalilanders stress that their country is peaceful and orderly -- a fully functional state in sharp contrast to the chaotic warlord system and weak central government of Somalia.

"We are happy that we have rehabilitated thousands of militiamen, which was a hard job. They were taken to camps and retrained to become national military, police, and prison wardens," says, Vice President Ahmed Yusuf Yassin.

The British had a strong presence in Somaliland by the late 1800s, with Somaliland becoming a British protectorate, separate from Italian-ruled lands to the south.
Somaliland gained independence from Britain in 1960, but that lasted only a matter of days before it united with the Italian-run region as Somalia.

Edna Adan Ismail is a former Somaliland foreign minister and a strong advocate of international recognition. She says that because the British never settled in Somaliland and ran things at arm's length, Somalianders had more experience in conflict resolution than Italian-governed Somalis. "This strengthened the traditions, the cultural traditional links of the people, their agreements, their way of dealing with problems, of negotiations, of discussions, of clan consultations," she said.
Bitter memories of the war that started in the 1980s and lasted until 1991 deepens the division. Former Somali leader Siad Barre sent troops to crush the budding independence movement.
And the death and destruction left behind traumatized the people.

Many now see a brighter future, with hopes high for international recognition. Near the end of January, President Dahir Riyale returned to Somaliland after visiting the United States and Britain.

Yassin says he thinks it is only a matter of time before the United States and others recognize an independent Somaliland, "The world is not coming to us for nothing. They are coming to us for the resources available in our country. The world should be interested in us. Now the time is near when the world should come to Somaliland because of the Middle East crisis. Because of this crisis, fuel prices are going up. We are an alternative source of fuel."

Somalilanders say they will continue to develop their budding nation, relying on investments and remittances from their kin living abroad to do so.
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To listen or watch Cathy Majtenyi Majtenyi's reports visit VOA website; Click below link.
http://www.voanews.com/english/2008-03-04-voa44.cfm

US bombs Islamist town in Somalia

The US has launched an attack against a "known al-Qaeda terrorist" in southern Somalia, the Pentagon says.

BBC (London) - Three missiles hit Dhoble town early on Monday, reportedly killing four people and wounding 20.

People are fleeing the town, fearing more strikes. Residents say planes could still be seen flying overhead on Monday morning.
Islamist insurgents seized the town last week and reports said a leader, Hassan Turki, had been in the area.

Mr Turki is on the US list of "financers of terrorism".

US Defense Department spokesman Bryan Whitman refused to give the identity of the target, whether the strike had achieved its goal or how the strike had been carried out.

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Source: BBC World Service

Female Genital Mutilation Still Common in Somaliland

By Cathy Majtenyi Somaliland

Female genital mutilation, or FGM, is a traditional practice that is performed throughout the Horn of Africa and other parts of the continent. The procedure is often called female circumcision, and it is illegal but still common in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, where health care workers, activists and others are working to end it. Cathy Majtenyi has more for VOA.

As many as 97 percent of girls and women in Somaliland are believed to have undergone the procedure. It involves cutting some or all of the external genitalia and commonly sewing up the genitalia, leaving a small hole for blood and urine to pass.

It is an ancient practice in Somaliland and throughout the Horn of Africa.

Halimo Elmi Wehliye manages an FGM awareness project at Care International that aims to convince communities to abandon the practice. She says that there are many reasons why people practice FGM, one being that it is believed to prepare women for marriage, "The reason why they are practicing [is they believe] if women do not circumcise, they become sexually very active - when she goes out she tries to rape even the men," says Wehliye. "In order to reduce that sensitivity, [they believe,] we have to remove this kind of organ."

Most women who have undergone FGM experience a wide range of medical problems, including acute bleeding, urinary infections, infertility, complications giving birth and even damage to the baby.

Edna Adan Ismail is the founder of a maternity hospital in Somaliland's capital Hargeisa and one of the first health-care professionals to bring the issue of FGM to the world's attention.
She describes what happened to one 12-year-old girl whose opening in her sewn-up genitalia was too small. "The abdomen was distended. There was abdominal pain. We did an ultrasound scan [to determine,] 'Is she pregnant? Why is the abdomen distending?' Of course, the diagnosis was that this young lady had been menstruating and the blood had been collecting inside the body all these months," she explained.

Ismail says a too-small opening can also spell disaster for marital relations. "They bring the bride to us on her wedding night, hemorrhaging like crazy. We suture. We stop the bleeding. We take care of it. We let her go home," she says. "She's brought back the following night with even more severe hemorrhaging, because the wound that we had sutured and the bleeding points that we had stopped were not given a chance to heal by the husband, who forced himself on this girl."
Activists say that the situation is slowly changing as people talk more and more openly about FGM and the harm it causes, with some women rejecting the practice for themselves or their daughters.

One mother described why she prevented her daughter from undergoing FGM. "I have experienced many problems myself, and my sister died because of FGM. She bled to death," the mother said. "I do not like any forms of FGM. My daughter does not wish to do a practice that goes against the Koran."

Activists say some communities are starting to challenge the practice of FGM.
Care International's Halimo Elmi Wehliye says she and her staff ask communities to describe the complications they experience from FGM and come up with possible solutions. "Most of them, they are saying, 'We have to stop [FGM],' and at the same time some of them are saying, 'We have to at least get centers.' Those who want to continue the practice said, 'We have to train qualified midwives at least who can use clean materials to prevent HIV or all blood-transmission infections.'"

But Edna Adan Ismail and others say the pace of change is slow, and that girls and women will continue to suffer needlessly until certain traditional attitudes are changed. ____________________________________________________________________
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Are the opposition parties equipped to lead?

Kulmiye will held its 2nd congress late March. All eyes are On that congress, the party is seriously divided many issues.

One main issue is: the election of its leader and both executive And central committees, but whether the party moves forward Or backwards largely depends the 500 delegates.

Remembering that as long as the party congress is done in An open and democratic manner, dissent, debate, consensus Building and compromise will always be an essential part of It’s success or otherwise.

The challenge for the preparatory commission is to develop a set of Comprehensive, Coherent, and practical proposal for how delegates will be divided in a manner which satisfies the two main contenders, and other possible aspirants. The division of delegates into clan based formula, if it’s true, will erode the reputation of the party as well as its future existence.

The two previous losers has less chance to defeat incumbent which is At the moment more experienced, stronger and heavier then five years ago. In other words, his recent success of eastern regions, and his persistent diplomatic Accomplishments will be the center of his reelection and it is one more Glee for him to compete people he know well both their weaknesses and strengths!

Since the two opposition leaders has failed miserably to materialize their dominance At the lower house of Parliament so far, it is implausible that population will Reward them yet again, but opposite is likely to happen and Rayaale has brighter Future then both faysal and Ahmed. Unless the opposition parties nominate new Leaders which are as visionary and idealist as the Late Tomboya; otherwise they will not only fail but they will fail as how kalonzo’s miracle has failed.

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By Yassin Abdillahi ahmed Hargeisa. hotelhargeisa@hotmail.com

Journos targeted in Somalia:"Journalists Under Attack", Amnesty International

Mogadishu - Journalists in Somalia are working under the worst conditions in 17 years, with all sides of the country's conflict trying to curtail independent media by "killing, arresting and threatening" reporters, an international rights group said on Monday.

In a report titled "Somalia: Journalists Under Attack," Amnesty International said at least nine journalists have been killed in Somalia since February 2007.

"The killings, arrests and death threats targeting Somali journalists are not just another unfortunate by-product of the conflict and general insecurity in Somalia - they are a deliberate and systematic attempt by all parties to the conflict to stem the flow of information out of the country," said Michelle Kagari, Deputy Director of Amnesty International's Africa Programme.
Death threats and arrests have forced at least 50 journalists to seek refuge in neighbouring countries, the group said.


On Sunday, Somali government soldiers raided three independent radio stations in the capital, Mogadishu, seizing equipment, forcing the stations off the air and arresting one journalist.
Somalia has been mired in chaos since 1991, when warlords overthrew dictator Mohamed Siad Barre.

"The situation for journalists in Somalia is the worst it has been since 1991, when the repressive Siad Barre regime was overthrown and the state's collapse began," Amnesty said.
The attacks on media freedom marked a reversal from 2005 and 2006, when new media outlets began extending news coverage and affiliation beyond clan and warlord loyalties, the report said.



Source: News 24

Somalia's Leadership: substance or rhetoric?

by Sadia Ali Aden

These are serious times with serious challenges that require serious leadership capable of envisioning free and united Somalia based on peace, justice and equality. Devoid of that, the current bloodshed will only continue and the humanitarian crisis will worsen.

Despite the disillusionment with the process that produced the current Transitional Federal Government (TFG) October of 2004 in Kenya, war-fatigued Somalis, those in the homeland and the Diaspora alike were willing to give the benefit of the doubt to a government formed neither by its vision nor capacity to deliver, but by the clan one belongs to or by the brutal reputation or the deadly arsenal one possesses.

It did not take long for the TFG to demonstrate its incompetence. It failed to articulate a new vision and grew more dependent on Meles Zenawi's regime (Ethiopia). Furthermore, it adopted an ill-advised mantra of threat and polarization and failed to set a foot in Mogadishu due to the instability created by the same warlords that the TFG was made of.

It would take them over two years and for tens of thousands of Ethiopian troops, tanks and fighter jets, and US AC-130 gunship to oust the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and shield TFG right into their barricades of apathy and corruption.

The invasion that brought TFG into Mogadishu abruptly ended six months of peace enjoyed by the people of Mogadishu under the ICU and it ushered in an occupation force with relentless brutality and no exit plan.

ICU came to the forefront of the Somali politics as part of a grass-roots movement spearheaded by the people of Mogadishu who were eager to get rid of the warlords and have found in the courts interest to advance the common good and willingness to stand up against the warlords. And get rid of the warlords, they did. But, to the utter dismay of civilians sighing relief, a number of these fleeing warlords were granted safe haven by the TFG and later were appointed to critical positions. A case in point is the appointment of two of the most brutal warlords, Mohamed Dheere and Abdi Qeybdiid, to the security of Mogadishu upon TFG's arrival in Mogadishu.

Despite their lack of good public relations and a holistic view of world politics, for the six months that they governed Mogadishu, the ICU has afforded Somalis, particularly those in Mogadishu, a sense of hope, empowerment, and national pride that mobilized the locals to organize volunteer services to clean the city's mountainous garbage and debris of the devastation.

More importantly, after a decade and half of lawlessness, they established safe route for the delivery of food aid and ensured equitable distribution, and they established law and order to the point that Somali women of Mogadishu could leave their homes without the fear of being raped or robbed. Having done what they have in such a short time and in the spirit of giving peace a chance, one would assume that ICU would earn the support of the international community.

Unfortunately, the fear of "terror" and "terrorism" by the West overshadowed Somalia's chance to clime out of the hellhole dug and ignited by the warlords and their militias.

The ICU method that defied all logic and proved wrong the prediction of many analysts could've been the blueprint for the recovery of Somalia- nationwide. The ordinary people's victory over the CIA-backed warlords showed all the vital signs that could eventually save Somalia. Somalis, at least while it lasted, were awaken of their deep slumber and were willing to reclaim their national dignity and rights.

In 2006 drought and flood suffered by different regions, ordinary Somalis (in Somalia and in the Diaspora) have responded with commendable unity to aid those faced with a natural catastrophe. I was particularly touched by the courage, unity, and the love demonstrated by the people of Mogadishu, who, despite tremendous pressure from the warlords, have united to save their brethren.

Now the current situation; Somalia is under a ruthless occupation that killed 7000 civilians in its first year, created approximately 1 million IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons), and pushed 1.5 million people on the verge of utter starvation thus creating what is officially recognized as "the worst humanitarian crisis in Africa."

On February 14, 2008, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported that "there are up to 2 million vulnerable people in need of assistance in the country. In the capital Mogadishu, the number of people escaping the city to the poorest areas of the Horn of Africa nation has doubled to 700,000 in the last six months". The following day, on February 15th the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) was urging the international community to step-up their support as in the coming months about 90,000 children in war-ravaged Somalia were facing the threat of annihilation by malnutrition resulting from lack of food, supplementary nutrition, and therapeutic feeding.

A few weeks ago the new Transitional Prime Minister, Nur Hassan Hussein (Adde) has formed his government which clearly is a much leaner cabinet of ministers than those formed by his predecessors. To his credit, his cabinet is also free of warlords though many still dispute this as the most powerful positions in the TFG, all so-called defense and security oriented positions, are held by infamous warlords. Also to his credit, the Prime Minister has changed the provocative rhetoric of his predecessor and, by and large, has adopted a language of reconciliation.

Now that the Prime Minister has proven that he can "talk the talk", the million dollar question is, would he prove that he can "walk the walk". After all, good leadership is not appreciated by empty words that one employs to lull the masses but by the positive initiatives they take and actions they implement. And no initiative or action is nobler than to say "No" to the Ethiopian occupation.

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Sadia Ali Aden is a peace activist and a writer whose work has appeared in various publications
and can be reached at sadiaaden@gmail.com

Sarkozy plans overhaul in Africa relations

CAPE TOWN, South Africa: French President Nicolas Sarkozy announced a major overhaul of his nation's policies toward Africa on Thursday, saying that its military agreements were outdated and it had no interest in keeping its forces permanently on the continent.

Sarkozy told the South African parliament that he would re-negotiate all defense agreements dating back to the end of the colonial era in the 1960s. France is often accused of propping up dictators and ignoring cronyism and corruption in its former colonies in Africa. In future, relations would be more open and transparent, Sarkozy said.

"Defense agreements must reflect the Africa of today and not yesterday," he said.
"It is unthinkable that the French army should be drawn into domestic conflicts," said Sarkozy, who was elected in May. He said the new policy marked a "major turning point."

France has 9,000 troops at its bases in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa, and Senegal and Gabon in the west, and serving in operations in Ivory Coast, Chad and Central African Republic. It also has a military base in the Indian Ocean island of La Reunion.

A French defense ministry official in Paris said no decision had been made on whether to close bases. He spoke on condition of anonymity as he wasn't authorized to speak publicly.
Presidential aides said the re-negotiation of France's defense accords would involve eight African countries.

South African President Thabo Mbeki said Sarkozy's stance would help speed the "completion of decolonization of the continent."

In Ivory Coast, where France has 2,400 troops, there was a muted reaction, with government officials saying Sarkozy must first consult with affected nations.

"I am skeptical ... I am waiting to see if there is any concrete action," said Maurice Fero Bali, editor-in-chief of the government daily "Fraternite Matin."

"We, Africans, are still waiting to see this change that Nicolas Sarkozy announced during his campaign. The reality in Chad, where France defended the regime of (President Idriss) Deby is disillusioning," he said.

In Senegal, political analyst Babacar Justin, who specializes in defense issues, said that 40 years after Senegal's independence, the French base in his country was an "anachronism." But he said it will be hard for France to completely relinquish its base in Senegal, which for years was the capital of France's colonial empire.

Alioune Tine, the president of one of the largest human rights organizations in Senegal, called the continued French presence in his country "a scandal for Africa."

Sarkozy arrived in South Africa after a brief stopover in Chad, an oil-rich, coup-prone former French colony that has never known real democracy. When rebels besieged Chad's capital earlier this month, French forces gave logistical support to the government, including transporting munitions from Libya and protecting the airport.

But Sarkozy emphasized that he did not authorize French troops to get involved in the fighting or shoot any Africans and said this was "unprecedented" and indicative of future policy.
Sarkozy said that in future France also wanted to pay greater attention to human rights and democracy, singling out Ivory Coast, Chad and Zimbabwe.

"Africa must take on its own security issues and problems," he said. Policing was a role for the African Union and regional African organizations, and France would help those organization play a more active decisive role in peacekeeping, the French leader said.

Sarkozy also announced an initiative to mobilize €2.5 billion (US$3.8 billion) in new investment in sub-Saharan Africa over the next five years. He said this would finance 2,000 companies and help create 300,000 new jobs.

The French leader stressed that the country's relationship with South Africa, never a French colony, should serve as a model for the new African relationships.

Sarkozy is accompanied by 40 French business leaders including chief executive officer Ann Lauvergeon of AREVA, which built South Africa's Koeberg nuclear power plant and has bid against a consortium led by Westinghouse Corp. of the United States to build a second one.

Sarkozy said he would send a team of French engineers in the coming days to try to help South Africa overcome an acute energy shortage, but stressed that this was unrelated to the AREVA bid.
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Associated Press writers Christine Ollivier in Cape Town, Parfait Kouassi in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, Sadibou Marone in Dakar, Senegal and John Leicester in Paris contributed to this report

SOMALILAND: ISBEDDEL CULUS OO KU SOO FOOL LEH: QAYBTII LABAAD

Mr. Buubaa oo la filayo inuu la wareego hoggaanka xisbiga UCID.

Dhallin mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaassadda Somaliland. Doonista mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland oo lagu batay.

Xisbiga Kulmiye oo weli faro maroorsi iyo xodxodasho jiq isku ah.

Rayaale oo xiddiggiisu sarcanayahay calanka aqoonsigana dadka hor lulaya kuna xuuxinaya.

Guddida Doorashada Qaranka oo tiradii dadka la il daran.

Iyo weliba danaha Maraykanka ee Somaliland.


Dhallinta mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaasadda Somaliland. Doonista Mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland lagu batay.

Waxa soo kordhaya dhallinta dibadda ku nool ee ku hamiyaysa inay siyaasadda dalka iyo hoggaanka Somaliland ka qayb qaataan. Waxa dhawaan dhici doona doorashada golaha degaanka iyo ta madaxweynaha. Waxana dadka inta badan doonayaan inay ka qayb galaan golaha degaanka caasimadda iyo magaalooyinka kale ee muhiimka ah ee dalka.

Dhallintan oo u badan jiilka iyagoo dhallin yaro ah oo uu dagaalkii ku dhacay iyagoon aan weli bilaabin shaqooyin muhiim ah amaba aan dhammaysan waxbarashadii sare ee ay ku jireen.

Waxay leeyihiin damac dheer oo wax hor istaagayaa aanay arkayn. Hammigan oo ay horseed ka tahay waayo aragnimada ay ka barteen dalalka dibadda ee ay ku noolaayeen intii la soo qaxay. Iyagoo wax ka bartay, ka shaqaystay, kana helay waayo aragnimo dhinacyo badan taabanaya.

Qaarkood waxay nasiib u yeesheen inay ganacsi galaan oo dhaqaale uruursi ay helaan. Taasoo kordhisay damaca siyaasadeed ee ay leeyihiin.

Dhallintan oo rag u badan oo aanay qof dumar ahi illaa hadda ku jirin ama soo shaac bixin ayaa la filayaa inay dhiggooda siyaasiyiinta gudaha dalka ku nool iska horimaad ka dhaco.

Haddaba faraqa labadan kooxood ee qaar dibadda ka soo duuleen kuwana u haysta inay "u soo cabbeen ---" oo ay xaq u leeyihiin inay siyaadda majaraha u hayaan sidee la isugu soo dhawayn karaa?

Fadlan rayigaaga noo soo dir.



Ismaaciil Buubaa:

Runtii way adagtahay in si fudud loo garto in cidina diyaar u tahay. Iyadooy ugu wacan tahay in markooda hore aanay jirin siyaasad is raacsan ama hoggaan uu wada tashi ka dhexeeyo.

Madaxweyne Rayale iyo dawladdiisu waxay ku qanacsan yihiin in la doortay isla markaana aanay cid kale la wadaagin maamulka dalka. Waxay illaabeen in kalsoonida shacabku uu badh siiyay mucaaridka oo ay talada iyo mustaqbalka dalka wax ku leeyihiin.

Waxay dawladdu iska indha tirtaa in ay xisbiyada ama haydaha tiirarka u ah siyaasaddu yahay wada xaajood ka dhexeeya xisbiyada iyo hoggaankooda. Mucaaridku waxay ku hungoobeen inay qiimeeyaan ama ixtiraam iyo sharaf siiyaan magaca dawladnimo. Waxay ku ceeboobeen in ay xafiiska madaxweynaha oo laga yaabo inay berri ku fadhiistaan la ciseeyo.

Waxana halka ay dawladda iyo siyaasadeeda dhaleecayn u soo jeedin lahaayeen ay kaga dhegtay shakhsi yasid, magic ugu yeedhid iyo aflagaaddo. Tusaale ahaan halkii laga hadli laha hawlaha ay dawladdu ku khasaartay in la yidhaa, "Ina Rayaale” ayaa sidan iyo sidaas ah.

Taasi waxay keentay in hayadihii dalka ee xisbiyadu ka midka ahaayeen baylah noqdaan. Waana ta maanta keliftay in xisbiyada dalka ee saddexda ah ee dastuurku qorayo noqdaan kuwo magac uun u taagan. Waxana dhacda in mararka qaarkood ay qabiilo gaar ahi sheegtaan. Ama waxad maqlaysaa, “xisbigaa reer hebel baa iska leh”. Akhriste marna ma isweydiisay sababta saddex xisbi loogu soo koobay siyaasadda dalka.

Waa in laga ilaaliyo qabyaalad oo ay noqdaan hayado dastuuri ah oo u dhexeeya dhammaan muwaadin kasta oo raaca mabaadiida kay jeclaadaan. Iyadoo aan loo diidi Karin inay ku tartamaan kana mid noqdaan madaxda xisbiga ay doortaan. Waxay markaa ku siinaysaa in aan cidna xisbi gaar ah sheegan Karin. Qofkii sheegtaana uu xaaraan yahay. Muwaadin kastaana uu sharci ahaan kula doodi karo shakhsigii ka xigsada.

Haddaba oggolaanshaha muwaadin kasta oo u dhashay isagoo ka faa’idaysanaya ayaa waxa beryahan soo baxaya warar tibaaxaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa oo ah siyaasi ka soo jeeda Somaliland hase yeeshee raacsan fikradda Somaliya uu danaynayo inuu siyaasadda Somaliland ku soo biro xilligan.

Lama hubo sababta dhabta ah welina muu shaacin, laakiin wararka sirdoonku waxay soo sheegayaan inuu arkay in ay Muqdishu iyo siyaasadii Somaliya god dheer ku sii socoto, aqoonsiga Somaliland uu dal ahaan goonni isugu taagayana mid maalinba soo kordhaysa u muuqato.

Waraysi uu todoobaadkan siiyay wargeysa Geeska ayaa wuxuu SImaaciil Buubaa si dadban ugu sheegay in uu aaminsan yahay in Somaliland ay ku socoto dariiqii aqoonsiga. Waxanad mooddaa inuu isu diyaaarinayo sidii uu qayb libaax uga heli lahaa.

Waxa la soo werinayaa oo dad ku dhawdhaw isaga iyo xisbiga mucaaradka ee UCID in ay waanwaan xoog lihi u socoto. Iyadoo lagula taliyay inuu saxaafadda ku faafiyo ammaanta Somaliland. Inuu ka toobbad keeno ka soo horjeedkii goonni isu taagga Somaliland. Inuu hantida faha badan ee uu uruursaday ku mashaqeeyo dadka baahan ee Somaliland ku sugan.

Dabadeedna ka qayb qaato dawladda dambe ee ;a djisi doono doorashada dabadeed.Sidoo kale warar aan la hubin ayaa sheegaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa iyo Madaxweyne Dahir Rayaale ay dad isaga dab qaadayaan. Inkastoo aanay weli ku heshiin arrimo dhawr ah oo, haddana waxa lau warramayaa inay aad isugu so dhawaadeen beryahan.Dadka reer Somaliland waa dad calool furan si fududna wax u cafiya.

Waxa ka markhaati ah kumanaanka dambiile ee haddana dalka ku sugan. Iyadoo madaxda dalka qaarkood lagu eedeeyo inay dambiilayaal dagaal yihiin oo xasuuqii si toos ah iyo dad badanba uga qayb qaateen.

Haddaba siyaasadda Somaliland muxuu Ismaaciil buubaa ku soo kordhin karaa? Mar hadduu yahay siyaasi isbeddel badan, ma lagu aamini karaa kursi sir siyaasadeed oo kalsoonida shacabka haysta? Waa su’aal muhiim ah oo u baahan in ay aqoonyahanka seetada dalka wax ku lihi ka doodaan.

Dhinace Kale

Ismacil Hurre Buubaa waa khabiir ruug caddaa ku ah siyaasadda Somalida oo dhinacyo badan oo heerar badan ka soo maray. Waa aqoonyahan xidhiidh fiican la leh waddamada carabta gaar ahaan dalka Sacuudi Carabiya. Waa siyaasi u dhuun daloola habka sirdoonka ee reer galbeedka oo xidhiidh fiican la leh madax kala duwan. Markaa ma la odhan karaa wuxuu damacsan yahay cidina ma qiyaasi karto?

Jawaabtu waa mid ku xidhan daba galka taariikhdiisa wixii uu soo qabtay. Kolba go'aanada uu gaadhay iyo tallaabooyinka uu qaaday ka hor intaanu ku kicin. Waxa in badan muuqata inuu dadka uu ka dhashay ee reer Somaliland la leeyahay xidhiidh ka wanaagsan ta ay kuwa isaga la fikradda ah e Somaliweyn aminsani ay leeyihiin.

Wuxuu had iyo jeer isku dayaa inuu caawiyo kolba qofkii u yimaadda. Haddana waa nin ku dheer dhaqaale urursiga oo aan shilinna dhaafin. Hase yeeshee quudha oo bixiya marka la soo martiyo. Wuxuu ku caan yahay inuu lacag badan ku khasiro dadka isaga raacsan ama kasbado kuwo cusub. Waxana guryaha uu Nairobi, Kenya ka deggenaa xilligii Dawladda Ku Meel Gaadhka ah ee Col. Cabdullahi Yusuf ku sugnaa kuna noolaa dad aad u badan oo qaxooti ah.

Imaanshaha la saadalinayo inu Somaliland booqdo ama siyaaadeeda ka mid noqdaa waa mid dhicis ah oo aan dhamaystirnayn. Waa in la tixgeliyaa dhammaan arrimo fara badan inta aan meel lagu tilmaamin. Sida ay raadka taariikheed ee uu illaa hadda soo maray ka markhaati yahay, Ismaaciil Buubaa ma damacsana Somaliland oo keliya inuu xukumo ama taladeeda ka qayb qaato. Hase yeeshee waxay u egtahay xarun uu ka duulo oo uu ku meel mariyo damaciisa siyaasadeed ee ah inuu Soomaaliya Ra'iisal Wasaare ka noqdo.

Hammiga iyo damaca Ismaaciil Buubaa waxa si fudud looga dhex arki karaa sida soocan ee uu u doorto jawaabihiisa waraysiyada uu bixiyo oo uu aad u miisaamo. Waxana ugu dambeeyey sida duur xulka ah ee uu ugu jawaabay markii la weydiiyay inuu Somaliland tegayo goorta ku habboon. Waana mid loo fadhiyo lana arki doono siday ku dambayso.

SOMALILAND -- A BEACON OF DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE-EAST

(Magan Ibrahim a senior Somali journalist wrote this article in 1993 right before Somaliland Parliamentary election. At that time, he was the poilitical editor of a leading somali website Hadhwanaagnews.com)

The democratization process of Somaliland is in its infancy. With hardlyany developed resources at hand, Somaliland has produced resultsunmatched by any other country within its geographic region.

Skeptics, of course, may hold a different view. Some observers, -- and especially ones who live inside the country --, may be too close to the trees in order to see the forest.

They may have great difficulty visualizing any specific outcome of the turbulent process that has been unleashed. They may fail to recognize it for what it really is: – a path to democracy.

One can get a better view of this path and see the first steps clearer at a greater distance. One begins to see the stability the peace has delivered over the years by resilience. The question, however, remains: will this delicate process sustain itself?

Certainly, there are so many things that still need to be fixed ordeveloped. The national and local infrastructure is, practically, nonexistent. Many public institutions have not even been conceived yet. The healthcare system is in shambles; public education is minimal; unemployment is high, and urgent actions must be taken to prioritize and manage the meager resources one has.

Corruption among officials is rampant and it must be at least curtailed. Inept politicians, directors, and an over abundance of totally incompetent policy makers have created a desperate situation. A systemic improvement is inconceivable unless this issue is properly resolved.

There are too many other areas in dire need of substantial improvementas well. And, after all that has already been said, one can ask the perfectly legitimate question: Is there a glimmer of hope? Is there a remote chance for a successful resolution of the present dilemma?

What redeeming seed remains there that is worth the effort not to give up? What is it that makes this war-torn region, devastated by famine, diseases and hatred, which resembles more a hell hole than a country, appear sufficiently encouraging for the great powers of the world to take notice?

Specifically, what makes this democracy, in its infant stages, stand out particularly now in view of the new world-order ideology promulgated by the United States’ president which is based on and accentuates the concept of “freedom and democracy to all”?

This change in the American policy toward the Middle East, heralded in the name of liberty, encourages bringing about gradual changes that would lead to eventual replacement of brutal dictatorial regimes.

This new policy may work to Somaliland’s advantage as well by setting an example not merely for the affluent Middle Eastern countries.

This freedom and the road to democracy is what made Somaliland stand outin the crowd.
However, the path to freedom has never been an easy one. It has neverbeen without struggle and sacrifice. The outcome, certainly, can hardlyever be predicted. And this is where Somaliland ventures now.

If nothing else, Somaliland’s struggle for the survival of its freedom deserves attention. Hopefully, the Somaliland common citizens will too take notice and appreciate what is at the heart of the struggle and what hasinitiated the success achieved so far. In essence, it is not something an outsider would ever understand. It is the product of emotional attachment to valuing peace, tranquility, and a sense of patriotism. In the end, it is a simple act of coming together to guard and cherish ones common interest.

But, what is preventing us to complete the path towards democracy and *who is the enemy?*

There can be no doubt that who the enemy is when an alien rushes acrossthe borders and invades ones homeland. This becomes even more difficult, when the enemy is “homegrown in your own back and front yard.”

How devastating and disheartening it is to discover that so many of the very same officials, who are charged with the solemn responsibility of protecting and safe guarding one’s hard-fought-for freedom, are precisely the ones, who are usurping their assumed authority, -- stealing and plundering left and right, confusing the public with useless rhetoricand are trampling the very principles that are needed to ensure thesurvival of the new democracy.

The big question and an extremely difficult task would be how to isolate such an enemy without having to resort to finger pointing?

Identifying and weeding out the perpetrators would be not only horrendously difficult, but it would also be an utterly hazardous task. The enemy will fight back ruthlessly, without mercy, with all the means it has at its disposal, jealously guarding its personal interests and preserving its continued power.

Without finger pointing, there is no other way to single out the enemy within -- the abusers of power. And in the process one is faced with various forms of retributions including being arrested and jailed. Unfortunately, that is the only open option for citizens to take…-.. Pointing out the bad apples and forcing authorities (State Elders) to take actions.

When the old regime collapsed and the political marriage of some thirty plus years failed, the de-facto speech gag rule collapsed as well. It was virtually a culture of silence that forced the public to condone gross embezzlement and plundering of all forms of public resources (from funds to land).

Since there was a total lack of scrutiny and accountability, the few tax dollars the country received that could have been used to build basic institutions, were instead diverted and were drained into personal pockets of corrupt officials and their kinships.

Almost miraculously, with the collapse of the old regime and its culture of silence, the imposed stagnation of thought and of speech came to anend as well. Deplorably, however, new forms of corruption continued asruthlessly as under the old regime.

Until now, though, the average citizen was able to enjoy the only new found freedom – the Freedom ofSpeech. This first and foremost freedom that survived from the ruins isnow being threatened and challenged as well by self-righteous politicians or individuals in power.

Why Freedom of Speech is so important in this transitional period?

Free Speech is so essential to every nation as to every person. Somalilanders are no different. They love to talk and talk and talk.They love to talk about useful and important things, as they love totalk about silly things. In the process they find new friends and whole groups who have same dreams, same hopes, same aspirations.

The ability to associate freely with whomever one chooses, to be able to organize and form groups to discuss and resolve common problems is, therefore, equally important. The right to publicly criticize anyone harming the interests of the society and to stand up against injusticeis now needed more than ever, if the democratization process is to continue.

Nevertheless, citizens need to be aware of the blurry find line between national security, self-respect, and exercising one’s freedom.

Make no mistake, we expect our politicians to rise above the skirmishes. As role models for generations to come, they must refrain from mudslinging and personal attack. Stop scoring points at the nation’s expense and focus the issues! Use constructive language that bridges the political gap! And please stop the name calling like teenagers (Gamboolay)?

We already now that without Freedom of Speech, without Freedom of the Press, without Freedom of Assembly and Association the democratization process will suffocate and die! Without democratization, the nation will not see justice. Without justice there will be no better future. Without a better future, the enormous sacrifices have been made in vain.

Already the price of freedom has been extremely high! Too many liveshave been sacrificed for our own and for our children’s future. Now itis up to us to defend our freedoms, to exercise it wisely, and to shapeour future! The next parliamentary elections will be crucial!

The question is, will the new legislators represent the interests of thecommon citizen and of the nation, or again of a particular clan?

So very much is at stake! So very much can be done!
No Freedoms, no Democracy, no Future!

Be responsible politician and Somaliland will sustain its good name within democratic nations.

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(Magan Ibrahim is a senior Somali journalist and he wrote this article in 1993 right before Somaliland Parliamentary election. At that time, he was the poilitical editor of a leading somali website Hadhwanaagnews.com and could be reached at magannews@gmail.com).

Reprinted on Fikirka Xorta ah with permission.