RE: KOSOVO AND SOMALILAND: THE IMPOSSIBLE EQUATION

The impetus of the Greek professor’s analysis is anchored on “Somaliland’s insubstantial demand for international recognition.”

The complexity of issue requires a more holistic and objective approach addressing the dynamics of the creation of the Somali Republic in 1960 as well as the immediate and the latent causes of the failure of the state. At a minimum, the professor should have asked:

What went wrong and why? What would have been done differently to avert the failure of the Somali state? A nation that does not meet its full potential is an evolutionary failure, and by any stretch of the imagination, Somaliland’s withdrawal from a disastrous union should not and can not be portrayed as the nucleus of all things that went wrong in Somalia.

The subject of recognition of Somaliland is solidly based on indubitable legal and constitutional ground according to international law [law of international treaties, succession of states etc.]. For example, from April 29th to May 5th 2005, a fact finding mission of the African Union, headed by the Right Honourable Mr. Patrick Mazimhaka, Deputy-Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, visited Somaliland, and among its findings and conclusions is the following excerpt:

“The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s Box’. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.”

Having said that, the histrionics of professor Muhammad shamsaddin megalommatis is an extension of the cloak-and-dagger politics of the Egyptian government. From Butrous-Butrous Ghali to Amar Mousa and in between, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry has been the standard bearer of a futile unholy crusade against Somaliland's quest for recognition. This diplomatic offensive is aimed at forestalling Somaliland's efforts to present to the international community its legitimate right to reclaim its sovereignty.

This diplomacy has ended in utter fiasco. For example, during his heydays at the helm of the United Nations Organisation, Mr. Butrous-Butrous Ghali made one of the most embarrassing and undiplomatic statements during a live interview with the Arabic Service of the British Broadcasting Corporation.

This career Diplomat said, "Doul mush Bani Adam" in response to a question about the Somali crisis. Roughly translated, this short statement means: "They are not human beings." Imagine the bigotry of the Secretary-General of the United Nations! This is the same Butrous Ghali who engineered the United Nations' disastrous intervention in Somalia- a mission without a clear mandate and objectives.

The common thread between the professor Megalommatis and the Egyptian diplomatic corps is intolerance towards any real or perceived threats towards the national interest of Egypt: The River Nile is Egypt and Egypt is the Nile. The livelihood of 100 million Egyptians takes precedence over the very existence of over 180 million inhabitants in the River Nile Basin. The population of the riparian states is expected to double in the coming twenty years.

The imbalance between a diminishing natural resource coupled with the consumption demands of exploding populations, is a sure recipe for an armed conflict in the region. The Nile Water Agreement of 1929 guarantees Egypt about 56 Billion cubic meters out of about 74 Billion cubic meters of the total water flow- that is roughly 76% of the total water volume. This outdated formula gives the Egyptian government almost exclusive monopoly and right of usage of the River Nile waters.

For example, one of the clauses of the agreement states: "Without the consent of the Egyptian Government, no irrigation or hydroelectric works can be established on the tributaries of the Nile or their lakes if such works can cause a drop in water level harmful to Egypt."

Times have changed and the littoral states [Kenya, Uganda, Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, Congo, and Ethiopia are under tremendous pressure to renegotiate the terms of water allocation and usage. The Egyptian demands on the waters of the River Nile are simply unsustainable. Sooner or later, the needs of other nations should addressed.

However, the Egyptian regime is not even prepared to address the issue, let alone renegotiate the terms of the old agreement. The Egyptian foreign ministry views any diversion of the Nile water as an act of war. With exploding populations of their own, the countries at the source of the Nile are vying to tap this resource within their boundaries for their domestic agricultural and industrial development needs.

Ignoring the belligerent stand of Egypt, the Tanzanian government embarked on 170 mile long pipe-line to deliver water to about 400,000 people at an estimated total cost of US$85.10 million. The rest of the East African nations question the legitimacy of this eighty year old agreement and it is a matter of time before they follow the Tanzanian example.

To be continued:

Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse

SOMALILAND: ISBEDDEL CULUS OO KU SOO FOOL LEH QAYBTII 4AAD

Mr. Buubaa oo la filayo inuu Somaliland yimaaddo siyaasaddana ka qayb galo, suurta gal ma tahay, maxaa ka jira? Dhallin mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaassadda Somaliland. Doonista mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland oo lagu batay. Xisbiga Kulmiye oo weli faro maroorsi iyo xodxodasho jiq isku ah. Rayaale oo xiddiggiisu sarcanayahay calanka aqoonsigana dadka hor lulaya kuna xuuxinaya. Ma keeni doonaa? Guddida Doorashada Qaranka oo tiradii dadka la il daran. Iyo weliba danaha Maraykanka ee Somaliland.

_______________________________________________________________

Qaybtii 4 aad

La soco toddobaadkan

_________________________________________________________________

Qaybtii 3aad

Xisbiga Kulmiye oo weli faro maroorsi iyo xodxodasho jiq isku ah.

Fikir Xorta ah -Sida laga warqabo xisbiga mucaaradka ee Somaliland ee Kulmiye ayaa u diyaar garoobaya inuu qabsado shirweynihii ay ku dooran lahaayeen madaxda tartanka doorashada madaxweyne iyo ku xigeenkisa uga qaybgeli doonta.

Waxa soo jiitamay oo illaa muddo sanad ah dib u dhacay goortii iyo habkii shirk aloo qaban lahaa. Taasoo ay ugu wacnayd hawlo badan oo ay ka mid tahay is maandhaafka awood qaybsiga xisbiga dhexdiisa.Waxa arrinta murgiyay waa habka dimoqradiyadda isku dhafan ee ay Somaliland qaadatay inay isku maamusho.

Habkan oo ah mid isu keenay dimoqradiyadda reer galbeedka iyo wadaagga beelaha am aardaayada oo la isu miisaamo.Habkan oo aanu u bixinay, “Dimoqraadiyadda Dhaqamaysan” halka ay reer galbeedku ugu yeedhaan “Hybrid Democratic System”, ayaa kellifay in uu warer keeno.Waxay siyaasiyiinta qaarkood aaminsan yihiin inay arrin beeleed ku mcaashayaan, halka ay kuwo kale ku qanacsan yihiin inay cod dheeri wax ku helayaan.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee fara maroojis, is jiidasho, kala xanaaq, iyo isu soo noqosho dabadeed waxa Xisbiga Kulmiye ugu dambayntii laga yaabaa inuu bishan Marso dhammadkeeda uu shir u qabsoomo.

Dad badan baa qaba in xisbigu iska lumiyay wakhti badan oo ay olole qaran ku geli lahaayeen. Nin lagu magacaabo Yasin Cabdilahi Ahmed oo ka mid ahaa dadka fikraddooda website yada ka dhiibtay ayaa isagoo afka ingiisiga ku qoray ku sheegay, “In ay wax waliba ku xidhnaan doonaan sida ay 500 ee xubnaha shirku ay u doortaan su’aasha cakiran ee ah sida hoggaanka fulinta iyo golaha dhexe loo dooranayo”.

Waan midda in badan hortaagnayd horumarka xisbiga sidii awoodda golaha dhexe, fulinta ama musharaxiinta loogu qoondayn lahaa beelaha kala duwan ee reer Somaliland. Iyadoo la eegayo saamaynta uu go’aan waliba ku yeelan karo mustaqbalka dadka iyo dalka.

Haddaba taagerayaasha xisbiga oo aanu wax k aweydiinay ayaa iyagoo ku kalsoon sheegay in rajada isku duubnida Kulmiye uu manta meel fiican marayo shirkuna qabsomi doona.Hase yeeshee dhinaca ka soo hojeeda oo isbadiya in aan hoggaankoodu madmadow lahayn ku murmayaan in Kulmiye uu lug halis ah ku taagan yahay iska horimaadna ka dhici karo.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee waxanu sugnaa waa qabashada shirweyanaha Xisbiga Kulmiye ee la rajaynayo inuu dhaco bishan dhamaadkeeda.

____________________________________________________________

Qaybtii 2aad

Dhallinta mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaasadda Somaliland. Doonista Mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland lagu batay.

Fikirka Xorta ah - Waxa soo kordhaya dhallinta dibadda ku nool ee ku hamiyaysa inay siyaasadda dalka iyo hoggaanka Somaliland ka qayb qaataan. Waxa dhawaan dhici doona doorashada golaha degaanka iyo ta madaxweynaha. Waxana dadka inta badan doonayaan inay ka qayb galaan golaha degaanka caasimadda iyo magaalooyinka kale ee muhiimka ah ee dalka.

Dhallintan oo u badan jiilka iyagoo dhallin yaro ah oo uu dagaalkii ku dhacay iyagoon aan weli bilaabin shaqooyin muhiim ah amaba aan dhammaysan waxbarashadii sare ee ay ku jireen.Waxay leeyihiin damac dheer oo wax hor istaagayaa aanay arkayn.

Hammigan oo ay horseed ka tahay waayo aragnimada ay ka barteen dalalka dibadda ee ay ku noolaayeen intii la soo qaxay. Iyagoo wax ka bartay, ka shaqaystay, kana helay waayo aragnimo dhinacyo badan taabanaya.Qaarkood waxay nasiib u yeesheen inay ganacsi galaan oo dhaqaale uruursi ay helaan.

Taasoo kordhisay damaca siyaasadeed ee ay leeyihiin. Dhallintan oo rag u badan oo aanay qof dumar ahi illaa hadda ku jirin ama soo shaac bixin, marka laga reebo Khadija X. Bandare oo iyadu dalka ku nool damacsanna sida lagu soo waramayo inay ka qayb qaadato tartanka Mayorka caasimadda, ayaa la filayaa inay dhiggooda siyaasiyiinta gudaha dalka ku nool iska horimaad ka dhaco.

Tusaale ahaan, waxa wararku sheegayaan inay illaa 8 ama 9 musharrax hoosta uga diyaar garoobayaan oloohooda ku aaddan siday u hanan lahaayeen jagada Duqa Caasimadda ee Hargeysa.Haddaba faraqa labadan kooxood ee qaar dibadda ka soo duuleen kuwana u haysta inay "u soo cabbeen ---" oo ay xaq u leeyihiin inay siyaadda majaraha u hayaan sidee la isugu soo dhawayn karaa?

Fadlan rayigaaga noo soo dir.

___________________________________________________________________

Qaybtii 1aad

Ismaaciil Buubaa:

Fikirka Xorta ah - Runtii way adagtahay in si fudud loo garto in cidina diyaar u tahay. Iyadooy ugu wacan tahay in markooda hore aanay jirin siyaasad is raacsan ama hoggaan uu wada tashi ka dhexeeyo.

Madaxweyne Rayale iyo dawladdiisu waxay ku qanacsan yihiin in la doortay isla markaana aanay cid kale la wadaagin maamulka dalka. Waxay illaabeen in kalsoonida shacabku uu badh siiyay mucaaridka oo ay talada iyo mustaqbalka dalka wax ku leeyihiin.

Waxay dawladdu iska indha tirtaa in ay xisbiyada ama haydaha tiirarka u ah siyaasaddu yahay wada xaajood ka dhexeeya xisbiyada iyo hoggaankooda. Mucaaridku waxay ku hungoobeen inay qiimeeyaan ama ixtiraam iyo sharaf siiyaan magaca dawladnimo. Waxay ku ceeboobeen in ay xafiiska madaxweynaha oo laga yaabo inay berri ku fadhiistaan la ciseeyo.

Waxana halka ay dawladda iyo siyaasadeeda dhaleecayn u soo jeedin lahaayeen ay kaga dhegtay shakhsi yasid, magic ugu yeedhid iyo aflagaaddo. Tusaale ahaan halkii laga hadli laha hawlaha ay dawladdu ku khasaartay in la yidhaa, "Ina Rayaale” ayaa sidan iyo sidaas ah.

Taasi waxay keentay in hayadihii dalka ee xisbiyadu ka midka ahaayeen baylah noqdaan. Waana ta maanta keliftay in xisbiyada dalka ee saddexda ah ee dastuurku qorayo noqdaan kuwo magac uun u taagan. Waxana dhacda in mararka qaarkood ay qabiilo gaar ahi sheegtaan. Ama waxad maqlaysaa, “xisbigaa reer hebel baa iska leh”.

Akhriste marna ma isweydiisay sababta saddex xisbi loogu soo koobay siyaasadda dalka? Waa in laga ilaaliyo qabyaalad oo ay noqdaan hayado dastuuri ah oo u dhexeeya dhammaan muwaadin kasta oo raaca mabaadiida kay jeclaadaan. Iyadoo aan loo diidi Karin inay ku tartamaan kana mid noqdaan madaxda xisbiga ay doortaan.

Waxay markaa ku siinaysaa in aan cidna xisbi gaar ah sheegan Karin. Qofkii sheegtaana uu xaaraan yahay. Muwaadin kastaana uu sharci ahaan kula doodi karo shakhsigii ka xigsada.

Haddaba oggolaanshaha muwaadin kasta oo u dhashay isagoo ka faa’idaysanaya ayaa waxa beryahan soo baxaya warar tibaaxaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa oo ah siyaasi ka soo jeeda Somaliland hase yeeshee raacsan fikradda Somaliya uu danaynayo inuu siyaasadda Somaliland ku soo biro xilligan.

Lama hubo sababta dhabta ah welina muu shaacin, laakiin wararka sirdoonku waxay soo sheegayaan inuu arkay in ay Muqdishu iyo siyaasadii Somaliya god dheer ku sii socoto, aqoonsiga Somaliland uu dal ahaan goonni isugu taagayana mid maalinba soo kordhaysa u muuqato. Waraysi uu todoobaadkan siiyay wargeysa Geeska ayaa wuxuu Ismaaciil Buubaa si dadban ugu sheegay in uu aaminsan yahay in Somaliland ay ku socoto dariiqii aqoonsiga.

Waxanad mooddaa inuu isu diyaaarinayo sidii uu qayb libaax uga heli lahaa.Waxa la soo werinayaa oo dad ku dhawdhaw isaga iyo xisbiga mucaaradka ee UCID in ay waanwaan xoog lihi u socoto. Iyadoo lagula taliyay inuu saxaafadda ku faafiyo ammaanta Somaliland. Inuu ka toobbad keeno ka soo horjeedkii goonni isu taagga Somaliland. Inuu hantida faha badan ee uu uruursaday ku mashaqeeyo dadka baahan ee Somaliland ku sugan. Dabadeedna ka qayb qaato dawladda dambe ee la dhisi doono doorashada dabadeed.

Sidoo kale warar aan la hubin ayaa sheegaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa iyo Madaxweyne Dahir Rayaale ay dad isaga dab qaadayaan. Inkastoo aanay weli ku heshiin arrimo dhawr ah oo, haddana waxa lau warramayaa inay aad isugu so dhawaadeen beryahan.

Dadka reer Somaliland waa dad calool furan si fududna wax u cafiya. Waxa ka markhaati ah kumanaanka dambiile ee haddana dalka ku sugan. Iyadoo madaxda dalka qaarkood lagu eedeeyo inay dambiilayaal dagaal yihiin oo xasuuqii si toos ah iyo dad badanba uga qayb qaateen.

Haddaba siyaasadda Somaliland muxuu Ismaaciil buubaa ku soo kordhin karaa? Mar hadduu yahay siyaasi isbeddel badan, ma lagu aamini karaa kursi sir siyaasadeed oo kalsoonida shacabka haysta? Waa su’aal muhiim ah oo u baahan in ay aqoonyahanka seetada dalka wax ku lihi ka doodaan.

Dhinace Kale:

Ismacil Hurre Buubaa waa khabiir ruug caddaa ku ah siyaasadda Somalida oo dhinacyo badan oo heerar badan ka soo maray. Waa aqoonyahan xidhiidh fiican la leh waddamada carabta gaar ahaan dalka Sacuudi Carabiya. Waa siyaasi u dhuun daloola habka sirdoonka ee reer galbeedka oo xidhiidh fiican la leh madax kala duwan.

Markaa ma la odhan karaa wuxuu damacsan yahay cidina ma qiyaasi karto?

Jawaabtu waa mid ku xidhan daba galka taariikhdiisa wixii uu soo qabtay. Kolba go'aanada uu gaadhay iyo tallaabooyinka uu qaaday ka hor intaanu ku kicin. Waxa in badan muuqata inuu dadka uu ka dhashay ee reer Somaliland la leeyahay xidhiidh ka wanaagsan ta ay kuwa isaga la fikradda ah e Somaliweyn aminsani ay leeyihiin.

Wuxuu had iyo jeer isku dayaa inuu caawiyo kolba qofkii u yimaadda. Haddana waa nin ku dheer dhaqaale urursiga oo aan shilinna dhaafin. Hase yeeshee quudha oo bixiya marka la soo martiyo. Wuxuu ku caan yahay inuu lacag badan ku khasiro dadka isaga raacsan ama kasbado kuwo cusub. Waxana guryaha uu Nairobi, Kenya ka deggenaa xilligii Dawladda Ku Meel Gaadhka ah ee Col. Cabdullahi Yusuf la dooranayay ku sugnaa kuna noolaa dad aad u badan oo qaxooti ah.

Imaanshaha la saadalinayo inu Somaliland booqdo ama siyaaadeeda ka mid noqdaa waa mid dhicis ah oo aan dhamaystirnayn. Waa in la tixgeliyaa dhammaan arrimo fara badan inta aan meel lagu tilmaamin. Sida ay raadka taariikheed ee uu illaa hadda soo maray ka markhaati yahay, Ismaaciil Buubaa ma damacsana Somaliland oo keliya inuu xukumo ama taladeeda ka qayb qaato. Hase yeeshee waxay u egtahay xarun uu ka duulo oo uu ku meel mariyo damaciisa siyaasadeed ee ah inuu Soomaaliya Ra'iisal Wasaare ka noqdo.

Hammiga iyo damaca Ismaaciil Buubaa waxa si fudud looga dhex arki karaa sida soocan ee uu u doorto jawaabihiisa waraysiyada uu bixiyo oo uu aad u miisaamo. Waxana ugu dambeeyey sida duur xulka ah ee uu ugu jawaabay markii la weydiiyay inuu Somaliland tegayo goorta ku habboon. Waana mid loo fadhiyo lana arki doono siday ku dambayso.

Ka dhiibo Fikirkaaga

Somalia's message to the world: Get Ethiopia off our back

President George Bush recently visited five African countries — Ghana, Liberia, Tanzania, Benin and Rwanda — and sent his Secretary of State to Kenya to try to end the political crisis there. But when it comes to Somalia, the Bush administration is not only silent but openly supports Ethiopia's occupation. The situation there is now far worse than it was in December of 2006, before Addis Ababa's invasion.

In Mogadishu and much of Somalia, the American-supported Ethiopian intervention caused the deaths of more than 6,000 Somalis. According to United Nations officials, the humanitarian crisis in Somalia is "worse than Darfur" — more than a million Somalis fled their homes.

The Ethiopian occupation did not deliver the outcome that Washington desired — crushing the Islamists, creating a secure environment and leaving the country quickly. Instead, after more than a year of occupation, the picture is one of assassinations, bombings, looting, media repression and systematic displacement. Worse, there is no end in sight to the quagmire.

If there is the will, the U.S. and the rest of the international community can reverse the Somalia crisis.

The issue is not about fixing an artificial and illegitimate government that exists on the backs of Ethiopian soldiers and donors' money. The U.S. should aim at the real goals: ending the Ethiopian occupation (the source of Somalia's current problems), addressing the humanitarian catastrophe, initiating a genuine Somali-owned peace process, and dealing with the war crimes committed in the country.

It is about time the U.S. realizes that Ethiopia's occupation is radicalizing more Somalis and that the government of warlords is beyond repair. There is no choice: The occupation has to end immediately. Somalis do not want Ethiopian troops in their country and, based on the what has been happening so far, resistance to the occupation will only grow.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's scheme to create a no-win situation for the Somalis — accept the Ethiopian occupation or face a brutal civil war — will surely have a negative impact on long-term relations among the diverse communities in the Horn of Africa and different clans in Somalia. From the Somali perspective, Washington and the world community must understand that Ethiopia's occupation troops and their warlord proxies are a huge liability.

Moreover, there is an urgent need for a Somali-owned peace process. Earlier peace-building efforts failed because one or another key stakeholder was excluded. Islam as a faith and Islamists as a force cannot be ignored; the values these diverse Islamist groups represent have roots within the Somali people and must be included in any peace process. Dismissing those forces resisting the Ethiopian occupation as terrorists is neither accurate nor useful for building peace in Somalia.

The U.S. also needs to understand that its policy preference of incrementally fixing the results of the Ethiopian-manipulated peace conference in Nairobi (or imposing the Ethiopian design on the Somalis, as many believe) is untenable — the process that produced the current charter, parliament and government was tainted. What is needed is a comprehensive process that addresses governance, security and justice. The debate should start with Somalia's 1960 constitution — it is the only one that a majority of Somalis voted for and one that can accommodate different groups' constitutional and policy concerns.

The real challenge is establishing a Somali-owned peace process. One important precondition would be to empower a neutral and credible third party. The UN understands this, and urged the Saudi government to take the lead. Others believe Qatar would be an excellent candidate. The international community should also tap the expertise and connections of the Djibouti government and its president, Ismail Omar Guelleh. As an ethnic Somali, Mr. Guelleh understands the nature of the conflict, and he has good relations with Washington. He might be able to facilitate such a process if the international community is serious about ending the conflict.

Charles Taylor, Liberia's former warlord/president, is on trial for the crimes that his forces and his proxies committed against the civilians of neighbouring Sierra Leone. Therefore, the international community should not turn a blind eye when it comes to the war crimes that Ethiopia's troops and proxy Somali warlords have been committing against Somalis for the past year. Perhaps the recently created, New York-based Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect should make Somalia its first project.

If a Somali-owned peace process is established, there will be no need for foreign forces — Somalis will keep the peace as they did in peaceful areas of the country, and they will challenge all forms of extremism. The key to bringing the Somali people on board is ending the Ethiopian occupation and the warlords' impunity.

The international community has a responsibility to protect Somali civilians from Ethiopia's occupation troops. Its silence sends the wrong message — that Ethiopian soldiers are in Somalia with its consent.

Afyare Abdi Elmi is a doctoral candidate and sessional lecturer in political science at the University of Alberta.

_______________________________________________________________

To join the Globe and Mail discussion including reading my comments click the link below:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080311.wcomment0312/CommentStory/Front/home/

Somalia: Puntland leader arrests clan elder for opposing exploration

BOSSASO, Somalia Mar 7 (Garowe Online) - A clan elder in northern Somalia's Puntland region was arrested Friday on the orders of regional President Adde Muse, Garowe Online has learnt.

Abdi Farah, an elder belonging to the Warsangeli clan, was detained by Puntland security forces from his home in the port city of Bossaso, clan elders said confidentially.

A group of clan elders from Bari region, where Bossaso is located, met with Puntland Security Minister Abdullahi Said Samatar to negotiate for Mr. Farah's release.

But Minister Samatar informed the traditional elders that Farah was arrested on the orders of President Muse and that Samatar "cannot do anything about it," sources at the meeting said.

The security minister also told the elders he met with that Mr. Farah was arrested in connection with a Warsangeli clan uprising in March 2006, when Puntland troops and foreign geologists collecting mineral samples were attacked in Majihaan village by Warsangeli clan fighters.

The ensuing violence, which lasted until April, killed at least 10 people and wounded scores, eventually forcing the Puntland government and its foreign partner to suspend operations there.
The Puntland government now suspects that Mr. Farah is leading a campaign to discredit the 2005 exploration deal President Muse signed with Australia-based Range Resources, Ltd.
In related news, Warsangeli gunmen angered by Farah's arrest exchanged gunfire with Puntland police in the town of Laag, roughly 20km west of Bossaso, sources said.

The government dispatched additional security forces to Laag as discussions continued in Bossaso to calm down the situation and negotiate Farah's release.

Muse has made it the highlight of his political career to implement the Puntland-Range deal, even though many in Somalia fear Majihaan-type armed resistance.

Locals oppose the Puntland-Range deal on grounds that Muse did not consult local clans and the legal fact that the Puntland leader lacks the constitutional authority to sell chunks of Somali territory to foreign firms.

Last month, the Muse government presented a revised Puntland Constitution that includes a clause stating that Puntland has the right to sign deals with foreign companies.

The new Constitution has not been introduced for debate in the Puntland Parliament.
Source: Garowe Online

Opinion: What Is The Right Way Forward For Somaliland?

Because of my writings, I get lots of electronic mail from Somalis and foreign friends which I acknowledge here my profound appreciation.

Most of them carry good and positive sentiments. Needless to say, from time to time, I also receive hate mail. Anyone who deals with people or issues which concerns people will no doubt confront bitter reaction. That is the nature of things. Even the prophets used to encounter some resentment.

I would like to share here one such reaction. A clannish individual who resented my love for our people in Somaliland has, not long ago, sent me an email entitled: Mind your business! It was a rant warning me to stay away from the affairs of the North. This is ironic.

It is like telling an Englishman from Devon that the English in Cornwall was none of his business. We cannot be Somalis if the affairs of Somalis are not our business. The people in Somaliland are Somalis and the land they inhabit is the land of Somalis (Somaliland). For that simple reason, Somaliland is my business.

Click Link below to read more:

http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Opinion_20/What_Is_The_Right_Way_Forward_For_Somaliland.shtml

LETTERS: Why the instability in Somalia should be concern for Kenya

Last week’s US military strikes on a Somalia town close to the Kenya border have worked to once again spotlight how hardships in Somalia continue to affect Kenya.

Throughout the 16 years that Somalia has been without an effective government, Kenya has had to establish new security guidelines for its neighbour and the border that separates them.

Click link below to read:

http://www.nationmedia.com/dailynation/nmgcontententry.asp?category_id=23&newsid=118677

Somalia's security nightmare: nothing is that simple in Somalia.

By Mark Doyle BBC News, near Mogadishu

The road in Somalia from the edge of Mogadishu to the town of Afgooye, some 30km (19 miles) to the north-west, is a seemingly unending vista of grim camps for displaced people.

They have fled the fighting in the capital between government forces and a combination of Islamist insurgents and clan opponents of the regime.
Family after family is crammed into tiny shelters made of bent twigs and scraps of cloth.
I saw evidence of a few aid agencies, local and international, giving assistance.

CLick link below to read more:

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7281539.stm

Djibouti votes amid opposition boycott

DJIBOUTI (AFP) — The poor but strategically important Red Sea state of Djibouti held a parliamentary election Friday with opposition parties boycotting the poll assailing it as undemocratic.

Only 65 candidates from a coalition loyal to President Ismael Omar Guelleh are running for the 65 seats in the legislature, and many voters have not bothered to register.

The boycott by the three main opposition parties follows a similar protest in the 2005 presidential vote in which Guelleh, in power since 1999, ran unchallenged.

Click the below linkc to read the rest of the article: http://afp.google.com/article/ALeqM5jK55wyuAzZmQxGfQJkdild3HuzUw

Uganda short of money to boost Somalia force

By Francis Kwera

KAMPALA (Reuters) - Uganda cannot fulfil its offer to completely take over the peacekeeping mission in Somalia because nobody has come up with the money, the defence minister said on Friday.

Uganda was the first of two countries to deploy soldiers as part of an African Union mission to Somalia, torn by fighting between the interim government and Islamist insurgents.

The African Union is supposed to pay for the force, but depends on funding from members and is short of cash. Uganda has said it could supply all 8,000 troops needed if the force is given a U.N. mandate, which would let Uganda tap a bigger pool of funding, but that has not yet happened.
"We are ready to start deployments in Somalia but we have a funding problem," Ugandan Defence Minister Crispus Kiyonga said in an interview with Reuters. "There is no money to transport and maintain peacekeeping troops in Somalia as promised."

The insurgency in Somalia has killed at least 6,500 people and forced some 600,000 to flee the capital, Mogadishu.

Uganda was the first African country to deploy peacekeepers in Somalia early last year, followed by Burundi. Burundi has sent around 600 troops, while Uganda has about 1,600 in place.

Malawi, Nigeria, Mozambique and Ghana withdrew their troop pledges, citing security reasons.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni met U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in January on the sidelines of an African Union summit in Ethiopia, where Ban expressed concern that few African countries had fulfilled pledges to contribute to the force.

Ban is due to issue a report on peacekeeping prospects in Somalia on Monday.
The insurgency in Mogadishu is led by remnants of a hardline Islamist group driven from power a year ago in a lightning offensive by Somalia's interim government and its Ethiopian military backers.