Hargeisa City Living and the Traffic Jams

FX--Hargeisa is becoming quiet the metropolitan with sprawling buildings that seem to be erected overnight by the numbers with ever increasing shops, coffee places, restaurants  and other bazaars providing mixture of services for residents, new and old.

Diaspora with extra bucks to spend seem to be enjoying more than they should  but local emerging middle class with their purchasing power  is by far demanding better goods and services.

That entire buzz is generating traffic jams in already narrowed, degraded, bad roads that in need of immediate attention to overhaul the entire faded streets that look like as they were paved a century earlier. Pot holes, street vendors inching closer to the two lane roadways and teenage boys that think walking in the middle is a fashion make already difficult driving conditions even worst.

With the entire hurdle, people still go on with their usual routine, managing to deal with the hustle and the bustle of this increasingly crowded city, unless government road authority closes arteries that connect the main centers to haphazardly begin construction work in the middle of the day.

This is exactly what happened on Thursday, February 13 2014. Some genius decided to close the main Madaxtooyada road on the most busies morning of the week, the last day of the work week here in Somaliland.

The Hargeisa main road that runs from down town to government offices in former Gobolka administration area is the bottleneck of the city where most business offices and shops are located.  Whoever behind this closer decided, what the heck, it is Thursday morning, busiest morning of the week where majority of residents are rushing to do the last minute errands or to finish the weeks unfinished business before the weekend approaches, so add little spicy on their day.

Little does he know that thousands of cars become stranded on every inch around the 10 block radius surrounding the Madaxtoodayda, (the Presidential Palace). Think of the security nightmare!

 Already untested, unregulated drivers with bad manners whom mostly never put sight of traffic rules become more erratic. Frustrated commuters sought answers from nervous looking, poorly equipped and badly trained militia remnants converted to act as traffic police. No one of these supposed to be traffic police had answers for the city people.

At one point a Lieutenant Major Officer sitting on an old motorcycle got irritated with the drivers and more often used #$%$ word to match their heated query and harshly responded curse words with all the energy he could master (however it seemed weak). I happened to be the receiving end of the curse when I threw comment at him and said, "Who would in his right mind could have ever created such a mess". He made my day when he said that, "we #$%$ the mess so go on boy " ( I later found out this tired looking, chain smoking,  retired old guard on the edge of drawing his gun named Abdi is fed up with all the fuss).

I was thinking to shout to him to, "lay off the Qaad and gather your strength old boy". But I'm sure any provocation would further exacerbate the situation and may jolt him reach his red pistol on his hip. So go on was the right action as he demanded

But, SERIOUSLY, can anyone tell those road guys to get a real plan and stop making this sort of gridlock. The damage to the economy let alone the security problems this sort of decisions to lock down the city create is unimaginable.

Hargeisawians are already grabbling with the government entourage that decides to make a chaos whenever one of them is traveling to and from the airport. Can we just go on with our daily lives like any other normal city dwellers without suffering with the brunt of your incompetence? PLEASE!

WAA HARGEEYSEE!!!

Magan Ibrahim

Ali Khalif’s Disguised Politics of “Somali Unity” A dangerous message

On the faithful day in what supposed to be his smooth inauguration ceremony in Saah-Dheer Village,  75 KM South of Laas Anood and 60 KM North of Ethiopian border, before Somaliland National Army interrupted and took over the village, Ali Khalif Glaydh, newly appointed president of the controversial “Khatumo State” lamented, “…Puntland president claims that our people supports him, we don’t support Puntland”, he continued to switch gears between his chosen words in describing his misgivings about Puntland and his true feelings reserved for the real “enemy”, Somaliland.

“… We call the Federal Government of Somalia to help us in our struggle to free our land from the Somali Diid Administration of Somaliland and if you are not willing to support us, we employ you to at least condemn Somaliland and agree that we have a right to be here”.  At least, he got the second wish as the Minister of Information of Somalia “deplored” Somaliland’s operation to chase Ali Khalif and his team away from Saah-Dheer, according to the news media reports.

He took a deep breath and looked at the camera of the Universal TV, the only Somali TV Channel present at the village that gladly and usually reports the Khatumo group’s message or covers anything anti Somaliland; nothing is too small or too big as long as Somaliland bashing contains the news. The other Channel that has recently stepped up its extensive coverage to spread the propaganda, Kalsan TV, was nowhere near to be seen, to the surprise of many, a media monitoring group based in Hargeisa reported.

When he exhaled, Ali Khalif hit the bunch lines with an emotional tone designed to generate sympathy with words bleeding for his viewers to act, “We are the only people fighting for the Somali Unity. No one forced us to do so but it is our obligation to defend the Somali Unity and we are asking FGS for help.” 

Mr. Ali Khalif repeated in many times in so many words that their struggle is only to preserve the Unity of Somali people. He sounded like a great warrior! A man with a mission! The one and the only that can revive the doomed “Greater Somalia” from the grave yards! This is the corner stone of his claim.

Yet, the people he is using are in the most arid regions of the country and are in need of so much help in terms of development. Mostly nomads living in the roughest edge of the country, unemployment and poverty devastate their families where the only option is a constant migration from place to place.

In addition, the continued skirmishes hamper Somaliland Government’s ability to provide basic services to the area residents. Thus, lack of access to adequate education and poor healthcare systems are hindering any chances for improvement.

Unfortunately, Ali Khalif has not indicated, even once, that he would like to lead his tribesmen in the often mentioned Sool and Sanaag regions from poverty to better standard of living.

Nor has he ever talked about his lifelong ambition to always have or close to be near the helms of power. 

But why should he mention these issues as they will only distract people from this emotional subject that guarantees to produce some devotees to the cause, his cause?

Contrary to what he is promoting now, before he jumped on this “unity” bandwagon, Ali has been for Somaliland in 1990s. History noted that he has even run against the late Egal in Borame for the Somaliland presidency.

So when unsuspecting and ill-informed viewers see him on TV claiming for
“sacred Somali Unity”, with all these colorful, carefully delivered messages, focusing his talking points, they sure will feel sympathy for the guy. The drama generates temporary pity, and that is what he is aiming for, to get empathy, however misguided.

Ali advocated the creation of a State for the Dhulbahante clan, inhabitants in some parts of the Somaliland Eastern Regions in their second meeting in London ahead of the formation of the Somalia Federal Government.

To come to the negotiating table, Ali knew he needed a platform. He wanted to be equal to all the other “mini states” in Somalia taking their share of the pie. He envisioned that if Humin iyo Heeb could be a state within a state, so could Khatumo. He imitated, but miserably failed when then TFG refused to accept Khatumo as a credible state. At the time, the message was delivered by a TFG Minister from Puntland. Ali Khalif couldn’t swallow the fact that Puntland is blocking his dream, yet he is in an open war with Somaliland.  

In Saax-Dheer, a nomadic village with no amenities, a true politician can only deflect the real reason for his presence and Ali Khalif is an expert in tribal politics. A western educated man, he is well versed with the modern diplomatic jargons intended for foreigners as well as Somali clan based politicking.  That is why he plays and exactly understands that the “Unity” drum beat wakes up nostalgic dormant memories that can hear his pleas.

So when he shrewdly appeals for support on the bases of “Somali Unity”, it sounds good to many, but only momentarily, then,  in a heartbeat people can truly see for what it is; dishonest, selfish and dangerous message that is neither attainable nor helpful for the future coexistence of the people in these regions.

Ali’s outcry and the response from the FGS have spoiled the mood. Somaliland cancelled the ongoing Somalia and Somaliland talks.  In their reaction to the media, Somaliland leaders from Guurti, to Government to Opposition figures, FGS’ interference has hardened their stand and seemed to unify their preparation for future conflicts.

Or perhaps this is what Ali Khalif wanted; to find a way to cancel the meetings in Turkey, as he has always been critical for the talks between the two entities, Somaliland and Somalia.

Whatever Ali Khalif has in mind, judging his determination, albeit looking tired, there is a reason why he abandoned his comfortable life in Minnesota. He is a man with a “MISSION”.  But in this daring route to pursue a power, lives will perish along the way, casualties of a war perpetuated by over ambitious man with point of no return in his late in life. His source of support would be plenty of people naïf enough to think the fragile and already fragmented Somalia with its dozen and so autonomies and independent states can be “united” by Ali Khalif et al.

From the beginning, as the chief architect of this “Khatumo” affair, Ali never really believed the idea of creating a viable state. The motive has always been to establish stepping stone enclave for reaching the fruits of power, to claim his share of the prize, a seat with portfolio for him and hopefully for his buddies in the new government.

Therefore, it is rather obvious that the purpose for his current crusade, through the use of the tactics of politics of war where he is exploiting the emotions of the innocent, is to get to that illusive power.

Nevertheless, Ali Akhalif’s latest saga will sure need to come to its end, soon. But to get to the finale, Somaliland Government must reach out to him and present alternative solutions to the wider disgruntled Dhulbahante community. Otherwise, the instability will harm both Somaliland objectives as a country and the development plans for the Eastern Regions. 

Magan Ibrahim

Hargeisa, Somaliland

The ineffectiveness of the House of Guurti and its dire consequences for Somaliland's political future

The London Conference on Somalia in February 2012 has been success for Somaliland. It may well be the groundwork for the single most important goal Somaliland has been pursuing over two decades; an opportunity to finally become a recognized country with its flag fly high among the nations. At that time, the notion has become a glimpse of hope or what seemed a golden opportunity within reach. To accomplish the same objective a year or so later, as an independent nation, Somaliland encounters different realities.

For instance there is a new Somalia government that has both the backing of the world powers which have been primarily the force behind its creation and a momentum produced by the hype of a desperate Somali people yearning for anything that may resemble government, anyone that could offer hope in their miserable security situation.

Establishing some sort of sympathetic government would give the West the premise to wage a proxy war against the extreme elements fighting to rule Somalia. In this case, the world powers are afraid for Somalia to continue to be a safe haven for international Jihadists. So they threw their diplomatic weight and financial and military support behind the new team ruling Mogadishu.

 Dealing with new bolstered Mogadishu team is not the only challenge for Somaliland. The grim condition Somaliland is unintentionally facing is not emanating from Somalia, but rather it is brewing within its borders. It is not security threats as most of the country's armed militias were neutralized, pacified or weakened. However, the current political system seems to betray the cohesion and consensus approach that has so far served Somaliland steer from internal conflict. Thus have the potential to diminish Somaliland's unified position to respond to Somalia agenda or may even harm the survival of the nation's essence.

The stability the country enjoys along with the economic expansion followed, with streams of investment by confident wealthy families and Diaspora communities, are the results of a bold, unique and creative political decisions made by the founders of the new republic.

Since its reclaim of its independence, Somaliland has established a hybrid system that ensured political participation which sought to balance the real national demand for growth, security and prosperity with the wish list of all special interest groups, including clan concerns.

The creation of the House of Guurti, the House of Elders, which consists of unelected traditional clan leaders, was the most important institution that became the nation's political mediation body. Followed by elected house of representative that actually drafts most of the laws a modern nation requires in order to operate and provide services to its citizens. Elected president with his executive branch which runs nation's affairs is another pillar of the system of governance Somaliland has chosen over two decades ago.

This new governing model was mostly seemed successful, until recently.  Unfortunately, there are growing and alarming signs that the system is showing cracks and may collapse at anytime soon.

Mainly because the Guurti is no longer the ideal house that had been set up to be the center of Somaliland's political gravity. Most of the influential and important members have either passed away or are not able to participate due to an old age. The Somaliland constitution doesn't explicitly say how to replace a member. Since the members are not elected and the fact that the Somaliland constitution entrusts them with tremendous powers, how the succession of Guurti is managed is open to a potential abuse.

Given the fact that membership of Guurti was intended to represent the clan interest, it is the mirror of the society where the new members are automatically related to the old members. Therefore, the new members should most likely be a member of the clan but not necessarily family members.

 Over the past years, young, inexperienced and uneducated (that neither have the knowledge of traditional customs nor a modern education) family members have replaced the deceased elders. This sort of replacement had robbed the House from the skilled clan leaders that earned the respect of the public. Instead of looking for an experienced elder that is familiar with the traditional reconciliation method, a family member automatically inherits the seat. As a result, it had made difficult for the House to undertake the single most important issues of mediating political quarrel and voicing the concerns of the people.

This dire consequence has been exasperated by the fact that the current leadership of the House of Guurti is not up to the task because they are also consist of a burned out politician with pair of just old, tired and out of touch individuals.

Furthermore, oppositions accuse the Guurti leadership for having a close and questionable relationship with the current administration. They claim this relationship coupled with their incompetence makes the Guurti to mostly be content with keeping the status quo, which mainly is to rubber stamp the administration's agenda. They assert that this House has so far shown no objections to whatever they are presented and usually accept government plans in face value.  Worse, the mucarid (opposition) insist that Guurti defends government policies even though this is supposed to be where the balance of power is checked to ensure fairness application of policies with even distribution of resources.

 Recently, a new self proclaimed group that is dissatisfied with the government's handling of multiple critical national issues and further discontented with the Guurti's lack of ability to intervene, have announced their existence.

This natural phenomenon born out of necessity according to their claim is dangerous because it lacks the legal framework that may open the doors for chaos that could lead to an unexpected peril. On the other hand, it is clear that the group may have somewhat shed light on the current House of Guurti's futility.

In the past when there is a dispute between the government and others, the Guurti used to step in to arbitrate. There is so much power the Guurti can exert under the constitution including the ability to topple the government if necessary to save the republic. The likelihood that this sort of thing happens is remote, but their power alone as a deterrent, makes all sides listen and respect their influence.

Consequently the new self declared group called the "The National Consultative Body" is seem to be filling a political vacuum in the absence of Guurti's role, except to exist in name only.

Yet, there is much debate about the motive of this new group. Some accuse the members of the group to be failed political aspirants that are grasping their last breath to be relevant, barely hanging on to their almost faded glories. In contrary, some considers them to be a genuine voice of an opposition missing from the country's political discourse. Some even go further to think the group is the freedom fighters that have once again risen to stand up for the government's tight lips engagement with Somalia.

Never the less, what gives this group legitimacy are the combined impressive experience and their place in Somaliland society. Among the members of the group are former vice presidents, head of official opposition party, former government ministers, freedom fighters, founders of SNM, businessmen and clan elders.

It is than understandable the government's reaction when this group with their notable resume come together and announced their goal to "salvage the freedom and the independence of the country". The media campaign to discredit their legitimacy by the government have radicalized the group, angered their supporters and minimized chances for direct dialogue. But efforts to reach out to them for the sake of the nation must not stop. Emotions aside, Somaliland can't afford to antagonize this kind of group, especially now that the House of Elders is dysfunctional to engage.

Whatever people think of this group, it is obvious that the problem is in the current system where the Guurti has lost the legitimacy to be independent power broker that has actually failed to distinguish itself from the political mudslinging. In that case, one wonders how Somaliland would survive, politically, if the most important institution is disarray, at least now that it's badly needed to get involved in the current political impasse.

In another dimension, the Guurti was designed to deter the creeping shir beeleed or clan meetings that are silently consuming the country. The basic idea that held the Guurti House together is that if all tribes are represented, their voices should be heard loud and clear through their representatives. Hence, there is no need to call on clan meetings to "discuss (danaha) the interest of the clan".  If not stopped, this is where the shir beeleed trend will lead to damage the citizens' unity by further segregating their common interest, their common destiny and their need to rely on each other. Again, the Guurti has failed to live up to its expectations to prevent this sort of divisiveness.

Similarly there are growing signs of tribal animosity and vengeance killing. We are currently witnessing two clans engaging revenge killing on each other in Sanaag region. It is commendable that the country showed spirit of unity to stop this madness.  However, one of the roles of the Guurti as originally designed was to predict and foresee potential conflicts and should immediately dispatch their regional representatives. This could only happen if we have a well organized and well managed House of Elders, regrettably this institution doesn't yet have that capacity.

Considering the said facts, can we simply question the need to have the House of Guurti, as it is today? Is a reform necessary? Has Guurti served its purpose and became obsolete that Somaliland needs to debate the creation of the "Third Republic"?

Rationally examining for what is happening to the harmony of our people, is it absurd to even bring it up the Guurti issue? If we rightly question the current Guurti's legitimacy, what alternative do we suggest replacing this important but ineffective political institution, keeping in mind that clan system still plays role in the heart of our political system? 

Let us just assume that we are willing to talk about this sensitive issue. Can one suggest that the House of Elders that is no longer filled only with elders should be dissolved? In it is place, can we set up a Senatorial system, similar to what the Americans have?

If we say YES, we can simply allow every region to choose two or three senators and send them to the House of Guurti. In this case, regions would have the freedom to either elect their representative or give individual clan elder a seat to represent their interest. This way, all the clans in that region would be represented.

We are talking about the general tribal representation. Without worrying to account sub clan or sub-sub clan representation. If we don't attempt to appease every sub-clan and avoid any consideration of diving tribes into their mini sub clans, we can use this formula otherwise we would overwhelm the system.

To harmonize the different tribal communities that live in the same region, it may be better to have equal number of senators representing all regions. For example, Hargeisa or Maroodi Jeex region would have three senators where Saaxil, Sool, Sanaag, Awdal and Togdheer would have similar numbers.

For practical purposes and the fact that the regions created by Rayaale Administration is not yet ratified by the parliament, I wouldn't enter them the equation as their existence has already complicated the management of the internal affairs of the country. Maybe Gabiley deserves to be seen as a special case giving the size and the economy of that district.

The above proposition is only one of many we can solicit if and when we are ready to have serious debate about the future political institutions of Somaliland. Logically, translating ideas into reality takes time, but the truth is the country can't wait. The discussion to address the issue is the first step that has to start.

The Current Administration must lead the way and invite all stakeholders as equal partners. If the President takes action, the history would reward Mr. Silanyo not only as the statesman that led his people in the time of struggle to fight for their freedom, but also as a brave man who changed the political course in difficult times. It is not easy to master the courage needed to stay above the noise evidently generated by the current negative political climate, however, the alternative of not taking any action is far worse and could be more damaging in the long run. 

 The truth is the current constitutional crises would have been avoided if the country had strong Guurti which are able to independently exercise its powers. The country will continue to have political crises that endanger the nation's unity if the underlying problems of this fundamental pillar of our political system are not addressed. So, as painful and as controversial as it sounds, House of Elders must be fixed.

The benefits of making this House work are enormous. Instantly, we would be able to manage any internal political and social eruptions far better than we have done lately and would likely avoid shir beeleeds. But most importantly, we will be stronger, together, to deal with whatever emboldened Somalia regimes bring it to the negotiating table or in front lines, if they compelled to use force.  

Finally, this piece is merely an opinion intended to provoke sound discussion about the glooming nature of the Gurrti' status. It is about the future political health of the country and you are welcome to join the debate!

Magan Ibrahim

Hargeisa, Somaliland

Hargeisa: a capital in search of a country, by Sean McLachlan

For a people without an official nation, Somalilanders sure love their flag.It's everywhere--painted on doors, flying from government buildings and private homes, hanging from rear view mirrors, worn on belt buckles and even knitted into a cap like this barber is wearing in the photo. Somalilanders are proud of their nation and want everyone to know it.After sleeping off a grueling ten-hour bus ride to get to the capital Hargeisa, I wake up and see at least a dozen flags from my hotel window. I'm eager to start exploring. I don't know what to expect. Somalilanders say the capital is safe, but can an unrecognized government next to one of the world's worst war zones really keep the peace?

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Dacwadda Cali Samatar iyo Saamaynta ay Somalida ku leedahay

Fikirka Xorta ah - Muddo badan ayaa dacwad ka dhan ah Sarreeye Gaas Maxamed Cali Samatar oo sita darajada ugu sarreysa ciidanka Somaliya, in badana ahaa Madaxweyne Xigeen iyo Wasiirka Gaashaan Dhigga ugu dambayntiina hayay jago Ra'iisal Wasaare ayaa waxay muddo lix sano ah ka socotay dalka Maraykanka.

Nuxurka dacwadda ayaa waxay tahay mid ay shakhsiyaad ka soo jeeda Somaliland oo ama dadkoodii la laayay ama ay iyaga dhibaato gaar ahi ka soo gaadhay ay maxkamaddaha dalka USA oo cid kasta u furan ay ka codsadeen in magdhaw Cali Samatar lagu xukumo dhibka ay sheeganayaan daraaddeed.

Dhawrkan qof ee dacwadda soo oogay oo kaashanaya hayad madax bannaan oo qareenno u dooda dadka jidh dilka dalkoodii loogu soo geystay oo loo yaqaan Center for Justice and Accountability ayaa waxa maxkamadda hoose ee Magaalada Washington DC. ee Caasimadda Maraykanka hordhigeen dacwaddaas sanadkii 2004.

Dacwaddan ayaa maxkamaddu waxay saartay hakin laba sanadood ah si bal ay u hubiso in Sarkaal Sare oo magaca dalkiisa ku fuliyay ficilo ka dhan ah xuquuqda aadanaha maxkamadaha dalka USA ay awood u leeyihiin inay dhegeystaan, go'aanna ka gaadhaan iyo in kale. Waxa kale oo ay maxkamada hoose ee DC. ka codsatay in ay Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda ee dalka USA soo dhexgasho oo ay talo ka siiso, mar haddii ay wasaaraddaasi tahay mid danta dalkooda ka shaqaysa.

Sanadkii 2006 ayaa maxkamadda hoose ee DC. laashay kiiskii lagu soo oogay Cali Samatar iyadoo sabab uga dhigtay go'aankeeda qodobada doodda ah ee qareenada Cali Samatar oo iyagu ku andacooday in xeerka FSIA (Foreign Sovereign Immunity Act of 1976) qorayo in aan sarkaal dal kale hawshiisa fulinayay aan maxkamad la soo taagi karin.

Kooxda ashkatada wadda ayaa iyagu markiiba rafcaanka qaatay oo maxkamadda rafcaanka ka codsaday in kiiskooda la dhegeysto. Sababtoo ah waxay sheegeen in sharciga kiiskooda lagu tuuray aanu khusayn Cali Samatar isla markaana sharci kale oo dheeraad ah oo loo yaqaan Torture Victims Protection ACT uu yahay ka la tiigsanayaan.

Sanadkii la soo dhaafay ee 2009 ayaa Maxkamadda Rafcaanka dalka USA qaybteeda afraad ee DC ay dib u celisay dacwadda iyadoo ogoolaatay in Cali Samatar maxkamad la soo taagi karo sharciga FSIA aanu khusayn isaga.

Qareenada Cali Samatar ayaa waxay markiiba rafcaan ka qaateen xukunkaas. Waxanay Maxkamadda Sare ee dalka Maraykanka (US Supreme Court) oggolaatay inay dhegaysato kiiskan. Haddaba dacwaddani waxay anfariir ku ridday dawlado badan oo shisheeye oo ka cabsi qaba in madaxdooda hadhow maxkamad lagu soo taago dalka USA. Waxanay dalalkaasi bilaabeen inay qareenno badan maxkamadda u qabsadaan oo qoraallo kiiska lagaga soo horjeedo ku qarqiyaan Maxkamadda Sare.

Dalalkaas waxa ka mid ah Boqortooyada Sacuudi Carabiya, haydaha Jewish ka ama Yuhuudda ah ee danta Isreal ka shaqeeya, iyo madax hore oo dalka Maraykanka ka soo shaqayn jirtay isla markaana ka cabsi qaba in iyaga sidan oo kale loo dacweeyo.

Maxkamadda oo Maalinta Arbacada ee Bisha March 3, 2010 lagu dhegeystay xarunta Maxkamadda Sare ee dalka USA ee Magaalada Washington DC. ayaa waxa ay Somalida deggan dalka Maraykanku toddobaadyadii la soo dhaafay oo dhan ay wadeen shirar xoolo uruurin iyo taageero ah oo ay kaga soo horjeedaan kiiska Cali Samatar. (Halkan ka akhri transcript ka maxkamadda)

Waxa Gobolka Minnesota ka dhacay toddobaadkii la soo dhaafay xaflad aad u ballaadhan oo ay ka soo qaybgaleen dad badan oo gobolkaas deggen. Waxana dadkii halkaa ka hadlay ee Cali Samatar taageerayay ka mid ahaa Saado Cali Warsame oo aad ugu dheeraatay sida ay uga soo horjeeddo. Daawo Sawirada.

Waxa kale oo shir lagu qabtay Magaalada Columbus ee Gobolka Ohio oo sidoo kale si culus loo taageeray dacwadda Cali Samatar. Daawo Sawirada.

Maxkamadda Sare ayaa la filayaa inay toddobaadyo ama bilo ay ku qaadato inay go'aan ka gaadho su'aasha hortaalla ee ah in "Shakhsi Madax Sare ka soo ahaan jiray Dal kale maxkamad lagu soo taagi karo dalka USA marka uu xilka ka dego muddo ka dib iyo in kale"

Haddii ay Maxkamadda Sare ee USA ku jawaabto haa waa la dacweyn karaa waxay noqonaysaa mid qoto dheeraata Somalida hadda qolooyinka u kala jabsan ee Somaliland iyo Somaliya u kala fadhida ay marka kiiska la bilaabo ee gudaha loo galo wixii dhib la geystay iyo dadkii la laayay murankoodu sii xoogaysto. Isla markaana ficiltan xoog leh geli doona.

Sidoo kale haddii ay Maxkamadda Sare go'aankeeda aqbalaadda ahi wuxuu cabsi ku abuurayaa dalal badan oo madaxdoodu geysato jidh dil iyo xad gudub xuquuqda aadanaha. Waana ta ay ka dagaalamayaan.

Haddii ayse Maxkamadda Sare ee USA diiddo oo ku go'aansato in aan cid dal kale madax ka ahaan jirtay dalka USA maxkamad lagu soo taagi karin. Taasi waxay niyad jab ku tahay hayadaha faraha badan ee u dooda xuquuqda aadanaha oo si weyn iyaguna u sugaya kiiska Cali Samatar oo la filayo inuu noqdo dariiq ay kaga hortagaan waxyaabaha ay u arkaan jidhdilka iyo tacadiga adduunka dacaladiisa ka dhaca.

Dacwaddan oo kooxo kala duwani taageerayaan, ayaa sidoo kale dawladdii Cabdillahi Yusuf ee Embagathi iyo Ta Sheekh Sharif ba warqad ay ku taageerayaan u qoreen Cali Samatar oo ay Dawladda Maraykanka kaga codsanayaan in dacwadda la tuuro. Hase yeeshee Dalka USA oo aan aqoon sanayn cid Somali metesha dawladdii Siyaad Barre dabeed ayaa diiday inay soo dhex gasho arrintan. Waxa isaguna qoraal ka dhan ah Cali Samatar isla markaana lagu taageerayo dadka dacweynaya soo qoray Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Somaliland Cabdillahi Maxamed Ducaale.

Cali Samatar iyo shakhsi kasta oo dalka Maraykanka deggani waxay xaq u leeyihiin in haddii la soo dacweeyo ay is difaaci karaan. Isla markaana weydiisan kara in lagu soo caddeeyo wixii loo haysto. Midda kale dacwaddina maaha mid criminal ah ee waa mid civil ah ama medeni ah oo magdhaw keliya la rabo isla markaana haddii lagu helo aanu Sareeye Gaas Cali Samatar aanu xabsi ku geli karin.

Su'aasha meesha taallaa, Somali inteeda kale ee deggan dalka Maraykanka marka laga reebo reer Somaliland, waa maxay sababta ay Cali Samatar u taageerayaan hadduu xaq u leeyahay inuu isdifaaco oo aan cidla laga helin? Colaadda gaarka ah ee qudbadaha shirarka qaarkood ka muuqataa miyaanay ahayn mid dadka sii kala fogaynaysa? Haddiise aan ciddii hore wax u geysatay sharciga lala tiigsan, miyay joogsanaysaa dhagarta laga gelayo shacbi aan waxba galabsan?

Cali Samatar waa madaxa ugu sarreeya ee dawlad adduunku u aqoonsanyahay in ay dhib dad shacbi ah u geysatay waana mid habboon in lagula xisaabtamo. Ma habboona in qabiil loo rogo, ciddii ka cabsi qabta in iyagana waddo ku furanto ha iska difaacaan haddii ay dembi hore u galeen. Haddiise aanu qofna waxba galabsan, wuxuu u cabsadaa waa gardarro.

Bal aan aragno waxay ku dambayso-

Halkan ka akhri dhammaan dacwooyinka iyo cidda kala taageeryasa.

Halkan ka daawo warbixinta Barnaamijka 20/20 ee ABC Television

"La Somalie entre chaos et espoir",

The International Crisis Group published this article about the Plight of Somalia in French.

Please click here to read the original French language article.


Below is web based translation of the article in English.

Conflict destroys the Somalia for nineteen years gives all signs of entering a new stage more desperate for the population, more complicated on the political and more dangerous plan for the world.

Meteoric growth in the number of pirate attacks off the coast of this martyr country resulted in a mobilisation of maritime resources important to try to curb the phenomenon.
Yet, this is on land that is is played on more than two decades the destruction of a country with some survivors have found in piracy an unhoped-for way out of poverty.

While the national reconciliation process raised a certain hope at the beginning of 2009, the escalation of violence in the capital and in the South of the country might destroy modest advanced over the last few months. Without vigorous and concerted outside actors intervention, the brutal disintegration of the country speed:

the fighting continue cause floods of displaced persons and provide a conducive to radical Islamist groups recruiters compost.
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Today, the Transitional Government is lower than ever. It controls only a few districts of Mogadishu. Elsewhere, the army and Islamic factions clash to sit their power. Since the dissolution of their alliance, fighting resumed between two radical groups Al-Shabaab and Hizb al-Islam. Al-Shabaab, ever more closely linked to international djihadisme dominates most of southern cities.

The humanitarian situation exceeds the imaginable. Close to half of the population, or 3.6 million people, is dependent on food aid. Nearly a half million refugees have fled to neighbouring countries and more than 1.3 million displaced internal legacy in camps around Mogadishu. The prolonged drought and threats against humanitarian personnel contributed to produce one of the greatest humanitarian disasters in the world.

Al-Qaida fighters some come from Pakistan saw fair: anarchy and misery, the political polarization attisée by ideological differences are an ideal field of action for them.

The abyssal situation is the result of a series of political failures and missed opportunities. At the beginning of the year, the conflict resolution process seemed finally draw.

The "process of Djibouti" was, under the aegis of the United Nations, allow the rallying to moderate insurrectionnels movements transitional Government and to isolate the radical groups.

Under pressure from the United Nations, African Union, the European Union and the United States, Sheik Sharif, a former insurgent rallié process of Djibouti, was appointed President of the Transitional Government. It seemed fair to expect to rally to its cause groups until then opposed to the reconciliation process.

But Sharif went to negotiations without will have the means to offer real benefits to the insurgents in exchange for their rallying. Consensus candidate, Sharif quickly rose to the status of traitor in the eyes of these groups. The Government is now lower than ever: acculé in Mogadishu, must its survival in support of international forces.

Yet the United States and Ethiopia blocked negotiations with major figures of the rebellion, they see as Islamist terrorists. In hesitating to engage politically with the insurgents, the United Nations have, too, failed to play their role as mediator.

Today, Sharif agreed with those who consider that armed intervention is the only alternative after the failure of the Djibouti process. Taken in the preparation of a massive offensive against the insurgents, it can no longer be Ombudsman figure.

Yet the insurgency is more divided than ever and its more radical faction, Al-Shabaab, is subject to growing political pressure. The brutal elimination of political dissidents and the uncompromising application of Sharia law have made it unpopular in the eyes of the population.

When challenge to restart on an acceptable basis for the ma­jo­rité of the Somali peace process. Mediators must be nominated and it is imperative to resume language with the insurgents. Somalia has unfortunately defied since good more aguerries mediating will chandeliers...

The challenge of the moment is to create a negotiation process leads and appropriate by the Somalis. A process that can gather around its settings a broad consensus and where a large number of insurgents groups would find his account. A process that would see Eritrea and Ethiopia cease to inflame the conflict and the United States, blinded by their fear of terrorism, halt their deliveries of weapons.

The danger of having the endless Somali conflict eventually destabilize its neighbours is more real than ever. Piracy and its rocambolesques episodes occupy our screens at point blank hundreds of thousands of refugees in Kenya and internal displaced millions.

Avoid as the descendants of these damned of the earth do meet the sirens of extremism should motivate the countries of the region, the great powers and UN, REList with courage and perseverance the book on the business and again undertake the hard work of renew son tenuous dialogue, there where everything appears as lint and tatters.

Alain Délétroz is vice-president (Europe) of the international Crisis Group.
The time

Somaliland: Somaliland Rejects Somali President’s Remarks

I have expressed my discontent on how Somali so called President Sh. Sharif has reacted to the question on Somaliland. He basically told BBC Somali Service that "shit happens" and Somaliland people should get over the pain and suffering as all Somalis in Somalia proper faced the same faith.

Prior to that news, Sharif was reported calling General Ali Samatar, a notorious deputy President of Somalia for 20 plus years to offer his help to fight against war crimes charges.

Gen. Samatar ordered the destruction of the former "northern" cities of Somalia, current Somaliland Capital City of Hargeisa and second largest city of Burao.

Gen. Samatar admitted given the order to bombard and annihilate without regard to human lives. Human rights organization, Amnesty International, estimated the death of civilians over 50, 000.

Gen. Smatar is awaiting a civil trial in the US. Several survivors are suing him of wrong doing. He has appealed to the Supreme Court to stop the trial and waiting the results. Sh. Sharif who calls himself a president phoned Gen. Samatar and promised him his help to stop the trial.

The unsophisticated Sharif is getting himself into this complex issue of what had happened in the past. However, one thing is very clear, current and former Somali politicians don’t want to create a climate of accountability. None of them wants to find out what had happened? Who did what? Who should be the person responsible? and how to prevent this in the future?

Meanwhile, Somaliland government reacted to his remarks –

Click here to read their response.

Click here to listen The Somaliland Government response

The legal context of the missing Somalis case

There are now 14 people with connections to Minnesota charged with terrorism-related crimes. Many lived here for some amount of time, some allegedly recruited fellow Somalis to return to the fighting in their home country.

Click here to listen the legal context.

A Somali man is implicated the missing men departure to fight in a foreign country.

Click here to read the article -

The Religious Wars by Nicholas Kristof of Times

Interesting article - Kristoff critiques in a very unique way about how modern books fight over the meaning, direction and reasoning on religion and the true essence of it.

Click here to read his article