Tuesday, October 28, 2008
TAARIIKH LA YAAB LEH: Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Ethiopia oo maanta barlamaanka KMG ah shir guddoon u noqday ajendahana gacanta ku hayay!
Waa taariikh la xuso oo saamayn ku yeelan doonta nolosha Somalida Geeska Afrika deggan. Waxanay tahay mid daba socota muddo laba sano ka hor markii DKMG ahi ciidamada Ethiopia u oggolaatay inay xoog ku soo galaan dalka Somaliya.
Waxay ahayd mid uu col. Cabdilahi Yusuf khasab barlamaankiisa kaga dhigay in ciidamada Ethiopia yimaaddaan dalka loo igmaday ee Somalia. Isagoo og cadaawadda soo jireenka ah ee Somalida iyo Amxaarada qarniyo ka dhexeysay. Isagoo og caadifadda dadka Somalidu halkay gaadhay oo markii hore xitaa barlamaankiisu gacanta isula tegay markii arrintani dhex timi.
Ayaa lagu dirqiyay in Barlamaanka Baydhabo fadhiya ay ku dhawaaaan in Ethiopia ciidamdeedu Somaliya yimaaaddaan.. Waxa kala qaybsamay xubnihii meesha joogay iyagoo qaarkood ku biiray mucaaradka fadhiisinkoodu yahay dalka Eritrea.
Iyadoo la ogyahay dhibka ay ciidmadaasi shacabka Somalida u geysteen ayaa maanta ay dhacday qiso la yaab leh.
Waxa loo yeedhay dhammaan xubnaha Barlamaanka Ku Meel Gaadhka ah, Col. Cabdilahi Yusuf, iyo Nuur Cadde. Waxa lagu shiriyay maglaada Nairobi. Waxa shirka qabtay oo magaca IGAD ku hoggaaminayay waa dawladda Ethiopia.
Haddaba waxa beryhanba ay dawladda Ethiopia shaacinaysay waxay ugu yeedhay, "inaanay ku faraxsanayn habka ay hoggaanka sare ee KMG ahi ay waddanka u maamulayaan.", Iyagoo u jeeda in aanay rabin in Col. Cabdillahi Yusuf meesha sii joogo. Waxay caddeeyeen in aanay Somaliya nabadgelyo xumi ka jirin ee uu maamul xumo ka jiro.
Iyagoo taa ka tixraacaya isla markaana ay muuqato inay awoodda gacanta ku hayaan, ayaa waxa maanta markhaati loo ahaa in Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Ethiopia Seyoum Mefsin shir guddoon ka noqado ajandahana u qabto barlamaan dal madax bannaan. Isagoo weliba soo xulay ama oggolaaday cidda hadlaysa iyo cidda aan hadlayn.
Si kasta oo barlamaan ama ay dawladi maqaarsaar u tahay, lama arag dal sidan oo kale loogu amar ku taagleeyo. Taasi waxay ku tusaysaa in ay laba arrimood xaqiiq yihiin:
1. Barlamaanka Iyo dawladda DKMG ee afarta sano sheeganaysay inay yihiin dad madax bannaan oo dal maamula inay caddaatay inaanay ahayn sidaas ee ay tahay kuwo la yidhaa Shimbirayahow Heesa markii la doono.
2. Dawladaha dunidu waxay aaminsanyihiin in Ethiopia tahay dalka Geeska Africa ugu xoogga badan oo markaa faraha looga qaado sidii ay u maamulan lahayd ama la siiyay mashruuca dib u dejinta Somaliya oo ay siday doonto ka yeesho.
Waxa nasiib darro ah in Cabdilahi Yusuf oo nabsi badan iyo godob soo jiitay oo cadawgii Somaliya dad aan waxba galabsan ku garaacay, in uu maanta sidii xanjo macaankii laga dhamaystay oo la tufay noqday.
Markii uu maanta ka cadhooday shirka oo marka hore inta isaga albaabada loo xidhay muddo saacado ah lagula hadlayay ayay caddaatay inuu magac u yaal ahaa oo ay Ethiopia ka gaadhay ujeeddadii ay lahayd.
Waxana ay tani tahay sharaf dhac in Somali maanta mar labaad Ethiopia ku tuuntuunsato. Iyadoo la sheegay in Col. Cabdillahi Yusuf hadda damacsan yahay midda qudha ah ee u bannaan oo ah:
In ay Puntland ku dhawaaqdo dal madax bannaan oo ka goostay Somaliya inteedii kale. Fikraddaas oo beryahanba la sheegay in isaga iyo Cadde Muuse ay go'aankeeda ka hadlayeen.
Friday, March 21, 2008
Muranka ka dhex taagan Guddida Doorashada Qaranka
Thursday, March 20, 2008
Somalia: Militants Glad to Be on U.S. List
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Islamic militants in Somalia welcomed being added to the United States’ list of terrorist organizations, saying they wished only that the designation had come sooner. The State Department announced Tuesday that it added to its list the military wing of the Council of Islamic Courts, called Al Shabab, or the Youth, because it is affiliated with Al Qaeda, according to American officials. “We are happy that the U.S. put us on its list of terrorists, a name given to pure Muslims who are strong and clear in their religious position,” Sheik Muqtar Robow, Al Shabab’s spokesman, said. “We would have been happy to be the first, but now we are unhappy that we are the last,” he said.
Mogadishu, the Somali capital, has been engulfed in violence involving movement fighters, who controlled much of southern Somalia for six months before being driven out in December 2006 by the country’s Western-backed government and its Ethiopian allies. On Wednesday, heavy fighting in Mogadishu killed at least eight people, including three Ethiopian soldiers, witnesses said.
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Very interesting twist! What would they (Radical Shabab Leaders) hope to gain by escalating confrontation with the most powerful nation on earth, US. I'm sure I maybe targeted by acknowledging the American "Military Might and Power", but the reality is that they are better off denouncing violence and start negotiating with the Somali Government while its still weak and willing to share power.
Otherwise, well, they will drag this nation to more tragic, violence and hardship. Somalis are tired of wars and suffering and in need of peace and stability, stop making it hard to achieve.
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Wednesday, March 19, 2008
St Tropez in the Horn? Djibouti's ambition to create Dubai model in the Horn of Africa
Would the President explain what would Somaliland get in return? Is US helping Somaliland's efforts to get recognition? What about investment and helping build Somaliland's infrastructure?
Thursday, March 13, 2008
RE: KOSOVO AND SOMALILAND: THE IMPOSSIBLE EQUATION
The subject of recognition of Somaliland is solidly based on indubitable legal and constitutional ground according to international law [law of international treaties, succession of states etc.]. For example, from April 29th to May 5th 2005, a fact finding mission of the African Union, headed by the Right Honourable Mr. Patrick Mazimhaka, Deputy-Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, visited Somaliland, and among its findings and conclusions is the following excerpt:
“The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s Box’. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.”
Wednesday, March 12, 2008
SOMALILAND: ISBEDDEL CULUS OO KU SOO FOOL LEH QAYBTII 4AAD
Somalia's message to the world: Get Ethiopia off our back
In Mogadishu and much of Somalia, the American-supported Ethiopian intervention caused the deaths of more than 6,000 Somalis. According to United Nations officials, the humanitarian crisis in Somalia is "worse than Darfur" — more than a million Somalis fled their homes.
Tuesday, March 4, 2008
The Cabinet Approves the New Puntland Petroleum and Minerals Law
Bossaso - A Puntland State owned website announced today that : At a cabinet meeting in Bossaso chaired by the President H.E. Mohamud Musse Hersi, the Puntland Cabinet Unanimously approved the new Puntland Petroleum and Minerals Law.
The Minister of Oil and Minerals Hon. Hassan Osman Mohamud (Allore) held a press conference after the meeting. The Minister spoke about the new law and its impact on the State’s nature resources.
The new legislation will now be passed to the Puntland Parliament in the next few days.
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So, what is the meaning of this new petroleum law? How would it impact on Somalia proper's legal obligations for prior agreements with foreign companies? How would the locals react for these on going exploitation of their land? Does "Central Somali Governments"' legislation over ride the one enacted by Puntland?
There is no question about the richness in petroleum and minerals in former Somalia where the most energy hungry countries are watching closely. Ironically, the competing legislations plus clan rivalries have complicated an already volatile situation.
The draft constitution of Puntland estibulates the regional state (Puntland) "owns the right to use the natural resources of the land".
According to Garowe online editorial, the contradiction between Somalia's TFG darft constitution and Puntand's one is clearly evident on article 48 of the Puntland's draft.
The website states, " a clause very favorable to the incumbent administration of President Mohamud "Adde" Muse. According to Article 48, Clause 2 of the Draft Constitution, the Puntland government "is responsible for the protection and exploitation of the natural resources." The following clause says: "The Puntland State may make agreements with national or foreign companies and give them the exploitation of natural resources.""
To read more about the contradiction of the two draft constitutions click the link below:
http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Editorial_29/Somalia_Puntland_s_draft_constitution_contradicts_the_federal_system.shtml
Weigh in and have your say, post your comments on Fikirka Xorta Ah.
Sunday, March 2, 2008
Are the opposition parties equipped to lead?
Remembering that as long as the party congress is done in An open and democratic manner, dissent, debate, consensus Building and compromise will always be an essential part of It’s success or otherwise.
The challenge for the preparatory commission is to develop a set of Comprehensive, Coherent, and practical proposal for how delegates will be divided in a manner which satisfies the two main contenders, and other possible aspirants. The division of delegates into clan based formula, if it’s true, will erode the reputation of the party as well as its future existence.
The two previous losers has less chance to defeat incumbent which is At the moment more experienced, stronger and heavier then five years ago. In other words, his recent success of eastern regions, and his persistent diplomatic Accomplishments will be the center of his reelection and it is one more Glee for him to compete people he know well both their weaknesses and strengths!
Since the two opposition leaders has failed miserably to materialize their dominance At the lower house of Parliament so far, it is implausible that population will Reward them yet again, but opposite is likely to happen and Rayaale has brighter Future then both faysal and Ahmed. Unless the opposition parties nominate new Leaders which are as visionary and idealist as the Late Tomboya; otherwise they will not only fail but they will fail as how kalonzo’s miracle has failed.
By Yassin Abdillahi ahmed Hargeisa. hotelhargeisa@hotmail.com
Thursday, February 28, 2008
SOMALILAND: ISBEDDEL CULUS OO KU SOO FOOL LEH: QAYBTII LABAAD
Dhallin mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaassadda Somaliland. Doonista mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland oo lagu batay.
Xisbiga Kulmiye oo weli faro maroorsi iyo xodxodasho jiq isku ah.
Rayaale oo xiddiggiisu sarcanayahay calanka aqoonsigana dadka hor lulaya kuna xuuxinaya.
Guddida Doorashada Qaranka oo tiradii dadka la il daran.
Iyo weliba danaha Maraykanka ee Somaliland.
Dhallinta mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaasadda Somaliland. Doonista Mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland lagu batay.
Waxa soo kordhaya dhallinta dibadda ku nool ee ku hamiyaysa inay siyaasadda dalka iyo hoggaanka Somaliland ka qayb qaataan. Waxa dhawaan dhici doona doorashada golaha degaanka iyo ta madaxweynaha. Waxana dadka inta badan doonayaan inay ka qayb galaan golaha degaanka caasimadda iyo magaalooyinka kale ee muhiimka ah ee dalka.
Dhallintan oo u badan jiilka iyagoo dhallin yaro ah oo uu dagaalkii ku dhacay iyagoon aan weli bilaabin shaqooyin muhiim ah amaba aan dhammaysan waxbarashadii sare ee ay ku jireen.
Waxay leeyihiin damac dheer oo wax hor istaagayaa aanay arkayn. Hammigan oo ay horseed ka tahay waayo aragnimada ay ka barteen dalalka dibadda ee ay ku noolaayeen intii la soo qaxay. Iyagoo wax ka bartay, ka shaqaystay, kana helay waayo aragnimo dhinacyo badan taabanaya.
Qaarkood waxay nasiib u yeesheen inay ganacsi galaan oo dhaqaale uruursi ay helaan. Taasoo kordhisay damaca siyaasadeed ee ay leeyihiin.
Dhallintan oo rag u badan oo aanay qof dumar ahi illaa hadda ku jirin ama soo shaac bixin ayaa la filayaa inay dhiggooda siyaasiyiinta gudaha dalka ku nool iska horimaad ka dhaco.
Haddaba faraqa labadan kooxood ee qaar dibadda ka soo duuleen kuwana u haysta inay "u soo cabbeen ---" oo ay xaq u leeyihiin inay siyaadda majaraha u hayaan sidee la isugu soo dhawayn karaa?
Fadlan rayigaaga noo soo dir.
Ismaaciil Buubaa:
Runtii way adagtahay in si fudud loo garto in cidina diyaar u tahay. Iyadooy ugu wacan tahay in markooda hore aanay jirin siyaasad is raacsan ama hoggaan uu wada tashi ka dhexeeyo.
Madaxweyne Rayale iyo dawladdiisu waxay ku qanacsan yihiin in la doortay isla markaana aanay cid kale la wadaagin maamulka dalka. Waxay illaabeen in kalsoonida shacabku uu badh siiyay mucaaridka oo ay talada iyo mustaqbalka dalka wax ku leeyihiin.
Waxay dawladdu iska indha tirtaa in ay xisbiyada ama haydaha tiirarka u ah siyaasaddu yahay wada xaajood ka dhexeeya xisbiyada iyo hoggaankooda. Mucaaridku waxay ku hungoobeen inay qiimeeyaan ama ixtiraam iyo sharaf siiyaan magaca dawladnimo. Waxay ku ceeboobeen in ay xafiiska madaxweynaha oo laga yaabo inay berri ku fadhiistaan la ciseeyo.
Waxana halka ay dawladda iyo siyaasadeeda dhaleecayn u soo jeedin lahaayeen ay kaga dhegtay shakhsi yasid, magic ugu yeedhid iyo aflagaaddo. Tusaale ahaan halkii laga hadli laha hawlaha ay dawladdu ku khasaartay in la yidhaa, "Ina Rayaale” ayaa sidan iyo sidaas ah.
Taasi waxay keentay in hayadihii dalka ee xisbiyadu ka midka ahaayeen baylah noqdaan. Waana ta maanta keliftay in xisbiyada dalka ee saddexda ah ee dastuurku qorayo noqdaan kuwo magac uun u taagan. Waxana dhacda in mararka qaarkood ay qabiilo gaar ahi sheegtaan. Ama waxad maqlaysaa, “xisbigaa reer hebel baa iska leh”. Akhriste marna ma isweydiisay sababta saddex xisbi loogu soo koobay siyaasadda dalka.
Waa in laga ilaaliyo qabyaalad oo ay noqdaan hayado dastuuri ah oo u dhexeeya dhammaan muwaadin kasta oo raaca mabaadiida kay jeclaadaan. Iyadoo aan loo diidi Karin inay ku tartamaan kana mid noqdaan madaxda xisbiga ay doortaan. Waxay markaa ku siinaysaa in aan cidna xisbi gaar ah sheegan Karin. Qofkii sheegtaana uu xaaraan yahay. Muwaadin kastaana uu sharci ahaan kula doodi karo shakhsigii ka xigsada.
Haddaba oggolaanshaha muwaadin kasta oo u dhashay isagoo ka faa’idaysanaya ayaa waxa beryahan soo baxaya warar tibaaxaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa oo ah siyaasi ka soo jeeda Somaliland hase yeeshee raacsan fikradda Somaliya uu danaynayo inuu siyaasadda Somaliland ku soo biro xilligan.
Lama hubo sababta dhabta ah welina muu shaacin, laakiin wararka sirdoonku waxay soo sheegayaan inuu arkay in ay Muqdishu iyo siyaasadii Somaliya god dheer ku sii socoto, aqoonsiga Somaliland uu dal ahaan goonni isugu taagayana mid maalinba soo kordhaysa u muuqato.
Waraysi uu todoobaadkan siiyay wargeysa Geeska ayaa wuxuu SImaaciil Buubaa si dadban ugu sheegay in uu aaminsan yahay in Somaliland ay ku socoto dariiqii aqoonsiga. Waxanad mooddaa inuu isu diyaaarinayo sidii uu qayb libaax uga heli lahaa.
Waxa la soo werinayaa oo dad ku dhawdhaw isaga iyo xisbiga mucaaradka ee UCID in ay waanwaan xoog lihi u socoto. Iyadoo lagula taliyay inuu saxaafadda ku faafiyo ammaanta Somaliland. Inuu ka toobbad keeno ka soo horjeedkii goonni isu taagga Somaliland. Inuu hantida faha badan ee uu uruursaday ku mashaqeeyo dadka baahan ee Somaliland ku sugan.
Dabadeedna ka qayb qaato dawladda dambe ee ;a djisi doono doorashada dabadeed.Sidoo kale warar aan la hubin ayaa sheegaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa iyo Madaxweyne Dahir Rayaale ay dad isaga dab qaadayaan. Inkastoo aanay weli ku heshiin arrimo dhawr ah oo, haddana waxa lau warramayaa inay aad isugu so dhawaadeen beryahan.Dadka reer Somaliland waa dad calool furan si fududna wax u cafiya.
Waxa ka markhaati ah kumanaanka dambiile ee haddana dalka ku sugan. Iyadoo madaxda dalka qaarkood lagu eedeeyo inay dambiilayaal dagaal yihiin oo xasuuqii si toos ah iyo dad badanba uga qayb qaateen.
Haddaba siyaasadda Somaliland muxuu Ismaaciil buubaa ku soo kordhin karaa? Mar hadduu yahay siyaasi isbeddel badan, ma lagu aamini karaa kursi sir siyaasadeed oo kalsoonida shacabka haysta? Waa su’aal muhiim ah oo u baahan in ay aqoonyahanka seetada dalka wax ku lihi ka doodaan.
Dhinace Kale
Ismacil Hurre Buubaa waa khabiir ruug caddaa ku ah siyaasadda Somalida oo dhinacyo badan oo heerar badan ka soo maray. Waa aqoonyahan xidhiidh fiican la leh waddamada carabta gaar ahaan dalka Sacuudi Carabiya. Waa siyaasi u dhuun daloola habka sirdoonka ee reer galbeedka oo xidhiidh fiican la leh madax kala duwan. Markaa ma la odhan karaa wuxuu damacsan yahay cidina ma qiyaasi karto?
Jawaabtu waa mid ku xidhan daba galka taariikhdiisa wixii uu soo qabtay. Kolba go'aanada uu gaadhay iyo tallaabooyinka uu qaaday ka hor intaanu ku kicin. Waxa in badan muuqata inuu dadka uu ka dhashay ee reer Somaliland la leeyahay xidhiidh ka wanaagsan ta ay kuwa isaga la fikradda ah e Somaliweyn aminsani ay leeyihiin.
Wuxuu had iyo jeer isku dayaa inuu caawiyo kolba qofkii u yimaadda. Haddana waa nin ku dheer dhaqaale urursiga oo aan shilinna dhaafin. Hase yeeshee quudha oo bixiya marka la soo martiyo. Wuxuu ku caan yahay inuu lacag badan ku khasiro dadka isaga raacsan ama kasbado kuwo cusub. Waxana guryaha uu Nairobi, Kenya ka deggenaa xilligii Dawladda Ku Meel Gaadhka ah ee Col. Cabdullahi Yusuf ku sugnaa kuna noolaa dad aad u badan oo qaxooti ah.
Imaanshaha la saadalinayo inu Somaliland booqdo ama siyaaadeeda ka mid noqdaa waa mid dhicis ah oo aan dhamaystirnayn. Waa in la tixgeliyaa dhammaan arrimo fara badan inta aan meel lagu tilmaamin. Sida ay raadka taariikheed ee uu illaa hadda soo maray ka markhaati yahay, Ismaaciil Buubaa ma damacsana Somaliland oo keliya inuu xukumo ama taladeeda ka qayb qaato. Hase yeeshee waxay u egtahay xarun uu ka duulo oo uu ku meel mariyo damaciisa siyaasadeed ee ah inuu Soomaaliya Ra'iisal Wasaare ka noqdo.
Hammiga iyo damaca Ismaaciil Buubaa waxa si fudud looga dhex arki karaa sida soocan ee uu u doorto jawaabihiisa waraysiyada uu bixiyo oo uu aad u miisaamo. Waxana ugu dambeeyey sida duur xulka ah ee uu ugu jawaabay markii la weydiiyay inuu Somaliland tegayo goorta ku habboon. Waana mid loo fadhiyo lana arki doono siday ku dambayso.
Wednesday, February 27, 2008
SOMALILAND -- A BEACON OF DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE-EAST
(Magan Ibrahim a senior Somali journalist wrote this article in 1993 right before Somaliland Parliamentary election. At that time, he was the poilitical editor of a leading somali website Hadhwanaagnews.com)
The democratization process of Somaliland is in its infancy. With hardlyany developed resources at hand, Somaliland has produced resultsunmatched by any other country within its geographic region.
Corruption among officials is rampant and it must be at least curtailed. Inept politicians, directors, and an over abundance of totally incompetent policy makers have created a desperate situation. A systemic improvement is inconceivable unless this issue is properly resolved.
There are too many other areas in dire need of substantial improvementas well. And, after all that has already been said, one can ask the perfectly legitimate question: Is there a glimmer of hope? Is there a remote chance for a successful resolution of the present dilemma?
This change in the American policy toward the Middle East, heralded in the name of liberty, encourages bringing about gradual changes that would lead to eventual replacement of brutal dictatorial regimes.
This freedom and the road to democracy is what made Somaliland stand outin the crowd.
However, the path to freedom has never been an easy one. It has neverbeen without struggle and sacrifice. The outcome, certainly, can hardlyever be predicted. And this is where Somaliland ventures now.
But, what is preventing us to complete the path towards democracy and *who is the enemy?*
There can be no doubt that who the enemy is when an alien rushes acrossthe borders and invades ones homeland. This becomes even more difficult, when the enemy is “homegrown in your own back and front yard.”
The big question and an extremely difficult task would be how to isolate such an enemy without having to resort to finger pointing?
Identifying and weeding out the perpetrators would be not only horrendously difficult, but it would also be an utterly hazardous task. The enemy will fight back ruthlessly, without mercy, with all the means it has at its disposal, jealously guarding its personal interests and preserving its continued power.
When the old regime collapsed and the political marriage of some thirty plus years failed, the de-facto speech gag rule collapsed as well. It was virtually a culture of silence that forced the public to condone gross embezzlement and plundering of all forms of public resources (from funds to land).
Almost miraculously, with the collapse of the old regime and its culture of silence, the imposed stagnation of thought and of speech came to anend as well. Deplorably, however, new forms of corruption continued asruthlessly as under the old regime.
Why Freedom of Speech is so important in this transitional period?
Free Speech is so essential to every nation as to every person. Somalilanders are no different. They love to talk and talk and talk.They love to talk about useful and important things, as they love totalk about silly things. In the process they find new friends and whole groups who have same dreams, same hopes, same aspirations.
The ability to associate freely with whomever one chooses, to be able to organize and form groups to discuss and resolve common problems is, therefore, equally important. The right to publicly criticize anyone harming the interests of the society and to stand up against injusticeis now needed more than ever, if the democratization process is to continue.
Nevertheless, citizens need to be aware of the blurry find line between national security, self-respect, and exercising one’s freedom.
Make no mistake, we expect our politicians to rise above the skirmishes. As role models for generations to come, they must refrain from mudslinging and personal attack. Stop scoring points at the nation’s expense and focus the issues! Use constructive language that bridges the political gap! And please stop the name calling like teenagers (Gamboolay)?
We already now that without Freedom of Speech, without Freedom of the Press, without Freedom of Assembly and Association the democratization process will suffocate and die! Without democratization, the nation will not see justice. Without justice there will be no better future. Without a better future, the enormous sacrifices have been made in vain.
Already the price of freedom has been extremely high! Too many liveshave been sacrificed for our own and for our children’s future. Now itis up to us to defend our freedoms, to exercise it wisely, and to shapeour future! The next parliamentary elections will be crucial!
The question is, will the new legislators represent the interests of thecommon citizen and of the nation, or again of a particular clan?
So very much is at stake! So very much can be done!
No Freedoms, no Democracy, no Future!
Be responsible politician and Somaliland will sustain its good name within democratic nations.
Sunday, February 24, 2008
Worse Than Darfur? Somalia's new prime minister talks about terrorism, civil war and a burgeoning humanitarian crisis.
The transitional government's Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein, who took office three months ago, faces the challenges of reconciling Somalia's warring clans, keeping Islamic terrorists out and squelching a boom in piracy along the coast. And he must survive, of course—when he made the symbolically important step of moving the TFG back to Mogadishu last month, insurgents promptly shelled Somalia's presidential palace. Hussein, previously the chairman of Somalia's Red Crescent society, the Islamic equivalent of the Red Cross, recently spoke with NEWSWEEK's Jason McLure about the humanitarian crisis, his relationship with the Central Intelligence Agency and Somalia's tourism industry. Excerpts:
Saturday, February 23, 2008
Somaliland and Somalia will soon be running their own affairs.
The timetable for independence has been written in New York, not in Whitehall. In 1950, the United Nations set a term of ten years on Italy's trusteeship of Somalia, and in June the Italians make their reluctant exit. The British in Somaliland can only follow. The Somalilanders are determined that they should go, and there is indeed no earthly reason for hanging on-beyond responsibility for what is left behind.
Somaliland and Somalia start off with roughly the same disadvantages; both are harsh, hot lands of sand and rock without water, known mineral wealth, industry or anything else that makes life easy. But the Italian trust territory has had a clear political lead over the Protectorate for which, indirectly, it can thank Mussolini and his imperial dreams.
The British military caretakers who took over region during the war exerted themselves to decontaminate the territory from fascist influence by an educational programme that was considerably ahead of anything suggested for Somaliland. Then the Italians came back, uncluttered by other colonial commitments, and more immediately aware than the British that they were working to a fierce timetable.
Somalia has virtually governed itself since 1957. Its several political parties and the maze of their tribal ramifications promised a situation of singular confusion. But the Italians, keeping democratic scruples under strict control, picked their man and stuck to him. At the general elections last year, the Somali Youth League, led by Mr Abdullahi Issa, won 85 of the 90 seats, two-thirds of them unopposed because of the "regrettable technical errors" of their opponents.
The Somaliland election last week was not distorted by any such technicalities, but the result was hardly less conclusive. The Somali National League (SNL) has won 20 of the 33 seats available; the Somali United party, a new group that shortly before the elections joined forces with the SNL, has won 12 seats. This leaves the National United Front, which won most of the seats in last year's rather timid attempt at elections, and whose members the British authorities were seriously coaching in the arts of government, with only one seat, although it got nearly a third of the total votes cast.
The victorious SNL, led by Mr Mohammed Egal, is the party loudest in its demands for quick independence (it boycotted the earlier elections) and its victory is being proclaimed by Cairo radio as a smack in the eye for imperialism. But the decisive factor in the election was probably not so much the party platforms, which were all much the same, as the complex inter-play of tribal, sub-tribal and family loyalties.
All the parties agreed that the Somaliland and Somalia should join up, sooner rather than later. Mr Lennox-Boyd, the British Colonial secretary, foreshadowed this last year when he promised British help should Somaliland seek some form of "closer association" with Somalia. Possibly when the time comes the two sides will be less keen than they are now on a complete union.The SNL is not on particularly warm terms with the Somali Youth League in Somalia, while for its part, the government at Mogadishu may cool towards the idea of straightforward fusion.
At present Somalia's government is picked from members of the Hawiye tribe-an ascendancy that is unjustified numerically, and would be very hard to maintain if a deluge of Somalilanders were to join forces with the opposition. Then comes the question of Commonwealth membership. For the commonwealth club to refuse this British territory admission would seem unlikely; but there is no certainty that the new member would be invited to bring a guest.
THE challenge is how either state, together or separately, will be able to pay its way. The World Bank has calculated that Somalia will need $6 million a year of outside help if it is to manage at all. For a time, this much is assured. The Italian government has promised $3.6 million a year for the years immediately following independence, and the Americans are expected to find most of the balance. Bananas are Somalia's only export and even they are not grown competitively; about half Italy's aid consists of the government's handsome subsidy on Somali bananas, supported by a generous quota; these arrangements are guaranteed for the next four years.
This is not entirely quixotic; the Italian banana-growers in Somalia, most of whom settled there in the nineteen-thirties, have a significant voice in the ruling party in Italy. But against them, the Italian left-wing parties have always contended that Rome should spend what money it has to spare on its strident problems nearer home. After 1964, Somalia certainly cannot count on Italian aid continuing on its present scale.
Somaliland needs less money than Somalia, because it is more rural and has about half as many people; otherwise it has roughly the same difficulties and no banana industry. Its exports are livestock and skins; both have done fairly well in the last few years, but one bad drought and Somaliland's exports go by the board. There is a seepage of oil that gives the Somalilanders hope and a dressing for their camels' saddle sores, but little else. Plans for mineral development are in the air, not on the ground. The British Government hands out £1.3 million a year, half of which is used to balance the budget and half for development and welfare.
The impossibility, even by expensive hothouse methods, of quickly raising a professional and administrative class in Somaliland has meant that a substantial proportion of the development and welfare grant is held over from year to year. Students with the minimum qualifications are now being bundled off to Britain for further education; in 1959 the Colonial Office gave 60 scholarships, three times as many as in 1956. The nomad existence and deeply suspicious attitude of most Somalilanders provide excuses for Britain's late start, but these do not mitigate the stark difficulty of building on little or no foundation.
OVERSHADOWING all these problems is the question of Ethiopia's attitude towards its young, noisy, and weaker neighbours. Somalis are flagrantly calling down trouble upon themselves by the clamour for a Greater Somalia; the union of all Somali-speaking people in Somalia, Somaliland, French Somaliland, Kenya-and Ethiopia. The Pan-Somali movement is led from Mogadishu by an exile from French Somaliland, but some Somali politicians automatically include it in their creed. It gets a certain support from Cairo, although the Egyptians themselves are shaky about what sort of trouble they are trying to stir up for whom in the Horn.
Even if Somali politicians are now only playing lip service to irredentism, the fact that they have committed themselves to wooing and subverting the Somalis in the Ogaden invites Ethiopian retaliation. Addis Ababa, already seriously concerned about the succession to the throne and running an empire that could be knocked apart by one good blow, is in no mood to wait and see what its neighbours are really up to. When in September, 1958, French Somaliland held its referendum, the Ethiopians showed their teeth-and the determination not to lose the right of access to Djibouti-in moving their troops to the frontier.
In the event, French Somaliland, whose population is evenly divided between Somalis and Danakil, voted heavily in favour of continued attachment to France.
Ethiopian suspicions and Somali ambitions have killed all hope of settling the immediate frontier issues. The border between Ethiopia, Somaliland and Somalia runs roughly down the middle of a hundred-mile-wide strip that each side claims.
Mr Trygvie Lie was recently appointed by the United Nations to try his hand at mediation, but like others before him had to acknowledge defeat. On the Somaliland frontier, the ceaseless quarrels over Somali grazing rights in the Haud can only grow more passionate with the departure of the British. When in 1897 the British Government signed away the Haud, its mind was on other African troubles; Somaliland inherits an overwhelming grievance.
Both Somaliland and Somalia face a horribly difficult infancy as independent states. But what both must get in their heads is the loneliness of their position if they try Ethiopia too far. None of the western powers will have any interest in supporting a Somali campaign against Ethiopia.
© The Economist Newspaper Limited, London, February 27th 1960