Showing posts with label Horn of Africa Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Horn of Africa Politics. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 28, 2008

TAARIIKH LA YAAB LEH: Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Ethiopia oo maanta barlamaanka KMG ah shir guddoon u noqday ajendahana gacanta ku hayay!

Fikirka Xorta ah - October 2004 Afar sano ayaa laga joogaa maalintii Cabdilahi Yusuf loo magacaabay Madaxweynaha KuMeel Gaadhka ah. Waxa sanadahaas dhacay isbeddel weyn oo aan la qiyaasi karin.

Waa taariikh la xuso oo saamayn ku yeelan doonta nolosha Somalida Geeska Afrika deggan. Waxanay tahay mid daba socota muddo laba sano ka hor markii DKMG ahi ciidamada Ethiopia u oggolaatay inay xoog ku soo galaan dalka Somaliya.

Waxay ahayd mid uu col. Cabdilahi Yusuf khasab barlamaankiisa kaga dhigay in ciidamada Ethiopia yimaaddaan dalka loo igmaday ee Somalia. Isagoo og cadaawadda soo jireenka ah ee Somalida iyo Amxaarada qarniyo ka dhexeysay. Isagoo og caadifadda dadka Somalidu halkay gaadhay oo markii hore xitaa barlamaankiisu gacanta isula tegay markii arrintani dhex timi.

Ayaa lagu dirqiyay in Barlamaanka Baydhabo fadhiya ay ku dhawaaaan in Ethiopia ciidamdeedu Somaliya yimaaaddaan.. Waxa kala qaybsamay xubnihii meesha joogay iyagoo qaarkood ku biiray mucaaradka fadhiisinkoodu yahay dalka Eritrea.

Iyadoo la ogyahay dhibka ay ciidmadaasi shacabka Somalida u geysteen ayaa maanta ay dhacday qiso la yaab leh.

Waxa loo yeedhay dhammaan xubnaha Barlamaanka Ku Meel Gaadhka ah, Col. Cabdilahi Yusuf, iyo Nuur Cadde. Waxa lagu shiriyay maglaada Nairobi. Waxa shirka qabtay oo magaca IGAD ku hoggaaminayay waa dawladda Ethiopia.

Haddaba waxa beryhanba ay dawladda Ethiopia shaacinaysay waxay ugu yeedhay, "inaanay ku faraxsanayn habka ay hoggaanka sare ee KMG ahi ay waddanka u maamulayaan.", Iyagoo u jeeda in aanay rabin in Col. Cabdillahi Yusuf meesha sii joogo. Waxay caddeeyeen in aanay Somaliya nabadgelyo xumi ka jirin ee uu maamul xumo ka jiro.

Iyagoo taa ka tixraacaya isla markaana ay muuqato inay awoodda gacanta ku hayaan, ayaa waxa maanta markhaati loo ahaa in Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Ethiopia Seyoum Mefsin shir guddoon ka noqado ajandahana u qabto barlamaan dal madax bannaan. Isagoo weliba soo xulay ama oggolaaday cidda hadlaysa iyo cidda aan hadlayn.

Si kasta oo barlamaan ama ay dawladi maqaarsaar u tahay, lama arag dal sidan oo kale loogu amar ku taagleeyo. Taasi waxay ku tusaysaa in ay laba arrimood xaqiiq yihiin:

1. Barlamaanka Iyo dawladda DKMG ee afarta sano sheeganaysay inay yihiin dad madax bannaan oo dal maamula inay caddaatay inaanay ahayn sidaas ee ay tahay kuwo la yidhaa Shimbirayahow Heesa markii la doono.

2. Dawladaha dunidu waxay aaminsanyihiin in Ethiopia tahay dalka Geeska Africa ugu xoogga badan oo markaa faraha looga qaado sidii ay u maamulan lahayd ama la siiyay mashruuca dib u dejinta Somaliya oo ay siday doonto ka yeesho.

Waxa nasiib darro ah in Cabdilahi Yusuf oo nabsi badan iyo godob soo jiitay oo cadawgii Somaliya dad aan waxba galabsan ku garaacay, in uu maanta sidii xanjo macaankii laga dhamaystay oo la tufay noqday.

Markii uu maanta ka cadhooday shirka oo marka hore inta isaga albaabada loo xidhay muddo saacado ah lagula hadlayay ayay caddaatay inuu magac u yaal ahaa oo ay Ethiopia ka gaadhay ujeeddadii ay lahayd.

Waxana ay tani tahay sharaf dhac in Somali maanta mar labaad Ethiopia ku tuuntuunsato. Iyadoo la sheegay in Col. Cabdillahi Yusuf hadda damacsan yahay midda qudha ah ee u bannaan oo ah:

In ay Puntland ku dhawaaqdo dal madax bannaan oo ka goostay Somaliya inteedii kale. Fikraddaas oo beryahanba la sheegay in isaga iyo Cadde Muuse ay go'aankeeda ka hadlayeen.

Friday, March 21, 2008

Muranka ka dhex taagan Guddida Doorashada Qaranka


Fikirka Xorta ah - Ma yara hawsha laga sugayo inay qabtaan Guddida Doorashada Qaranka. Waxay saaran masuuliyad ah inay maamulaan doorasho xor ah oo xalaal ah oo dadweynaha Somaliland ku qanco, kuwa tartamayaana raalli ka yihiin. Waxay haystaan wakhti yar oo ay dadka ku tiriyaan, doorashadana ku qabtaan.

Hawsha miisaankaa lihi waxay u baahan tahay dad aqoon farsamo, xirfad maamul iyo karti waddaninimo leh. Waxay ddonaysaa wada shaqayn la isku miisaamo danaha is jiidhaya ee Xisbiyada iyo kuwa gaarka ah, iyadoo danta guud ee dalka la isugu soo biyo shubayo ama lagu salaynayo waxqabadka kasta oo soo baxa.

Haddaba wararka beryahan ka soo yeedhaya xafiiska Guddida Doorashada Qaranka ee ku saabsan khilaafaadka xubnaha qaarkood, eedaymaha xisbiyada, iyo is casilaadda Guddomiyaha ayaa werwer xoog leh ku abuurtay shacbiga horumarka jecel ee Somaliland.

Dalkan wax badan baynu u hurray, naf, maal, maskax, maamul hagaag iyo hoggaan adag, waxana maanta habboon in laga hortago inaanu dhibka Guddida Doorashada Qaranka haystaa noqon mid saamayn mustaqbal sida dalka Kenya oo kale innagu yeesha.

Waa in dadku yar iyo weynba arkaan hawsha haysataa culayskeeda oo ay u garaabaan. Waa inaynu la talinnaa, ka caawinnaa dhinaca farsamada oo taakulayn iyo dhiirri gelin u fidinnaa. Ficilka hore wuxuu kaa caawiyaa ka hortagga dhibaato ama belo soo fool leh.

Haddii aynaan iska kaashan maanta, oo ana la aqoonsan goldaloolada Guddida Doorashada Qaranka, berrii ayaynu ka calaacali.

Maxaad ku talin lahayd? Soo dir fikirkaaga xorta ah.

Thursday, March 20, 2008

Somalia: Militants Glad to Be on U.S. List



By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Islamic militants in Somalia welcomed being added to the United States’ list of terrorist organizations, saying they wished only that the designation had come sooner. The State Department announced Tuesday that it added to its list the military wing of the Council of Islamic Courts, called Al Shabab, or the Youth, because it is affiliated with Al Qaeda, according to American officials. “We are happy that the U.S. put us on its list of terrorists, a name given to pure Muslims who are strong and clear in their religious position,” Sheik Muqtar Robow, Al Shabab’s spokesman, said. “We would have been happy to be the first, but now we are unhappy that we are the last,” he said.

Mogadishu, the Somali capital, has been engulfed in violence involving movement fighters, who controlled much of southern Somalia for six months before being driven out in December 2006 by the country’s Western-backed government and its Ethiopian allies. On Wednesday, heavy fighting in Mogadishu killed at least eight people, including three Ethiopian soldiers, witnesses said.

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Very interesting twist! What would they (Radical Shabab Leaders) hope to gain by escalating confrontation with the most powerful nation on earth, US. I'm sure I maybe targeted by acknowledging the American "Military Might and Power", but the reality is that they are better off denouncing violence and start negotiating with the Somali Government while its still weak and willing to share power.


Otherwise, well, they will drag this nation to more tragic, violence and hardship. Somalis are tired of wars and suffering and in need of peace and stability, stop making it hard to achieve.

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Wednesday, March 19, 2008

St Tropez in the Horn? Djibouti's ambition to create Dubai model in the Horn of Africa



Well, in Dubai. He wants Djibouti to follow the example of the booming gulf emirate or perhaps even of Malaysia, a Muslim model where many children of Djibouti's elite head for university.

Businessmen say the port's improvements make it hard to imagine that Eritrea's Massawa, Somaliland's Berbera or Somalia's Bossaso will catch up soon.

In sum, Djibouti is surviving cannily in a tough neighbourhood.

Would Somaliland leadership have the same vision as Guelleh? Yet to be seen.

President Rayale of Somaliland announced this week for what he called his "invitation to use Berbera" by Americans. What is that mean? He refused to elaborate but some people are skeptical about his actions.

Would the President explain what would Somaliland get in return? Is US helping Somaliland's efforts to get recognition? What about investment and helping build Somaliland's infrastructure?
Click this link to read more about the Economist report on Djibouti's ambition: http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10881652

Thursday, March 13, 2008

RE: KOSOVO AND SOMALILAND: THE IMPOSSIBLE EQUATION

The impetus of the Greek professor’s analysis is anchored on “Somaliland’s insubstantial demand for international recognition.”

The complexity of issue requires a more holistic and objective approach addressing the dynamics of the creation of the Somali Republic in 1960 as well as the immediate and the latent causes of the failure of the state. At a minimum, the professor should have asked:

What went wrong and why? What would have been done differently to avert the failure of the Somali state? A nation that does not meet its full potential is an evolutionary failure, and by any stretch of the imagination, Somaliland’s withdrawal from a disastrous union should not and can not be portrayed as the nucleus of all things that went wrong in Somalia.

The subject of recognition of Somaliland is solidly based on indubitable legal and constitutional ground according to international law [law of international treaties, succession of states etc.]. For example, from April 29th to May 5th 2005, a fact finding mission of the African Union, headed by the Right Honourable Mr. Patrick Mazimhaka, Deputy-Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, visited Somaliland, and among its findings and conclusions is the following excerpt:

“The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s Box’. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.”

Having said that, the histrionics of professor Muhammad shamsaddin megalommatis is an extension of the cloak-and-dagger politics of the Egyptian government. From Butrous-Butrous Ghali to Amar Mousa and in between, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry has been the standard bearer of a futile unholy crusade against Somaliland's quest for recognition. This diplomatic offensive is aimed at forestalling Somaliland's efforts to present to the international community its legitimate right to reclaim its sovereignty.

This diplomacy has ended in utter fiasco. For example, during his heydays at the helm of the United Nations Organisation, Mr. Butrous-Butrous Ghali made one of the most embarrassing and undiplomatic statements during a live interview with the Arabic Service of the British Broadcasting Corporation.

This career Diplomat said, "Doul mush Bani Adam" in response to a question about the Somali crisis. Roughly translated, this short statement means: "They are not human beings." Imagine the bigotry of the Secretary-General of the United Nations! This is the same Butrous Ghali who engineered the United Nations' disastrous intervention in Somalia- a mission without a clear mandate and objectives.

The common thread between the professor Megalommatis and the Egyptian diplomatic corps is intolerance towards any real or perceived threats towards the national interest of Egypt: The River Nile is Egypt and Egypt is the Nile. The livelihood of 100 million Egyptians takes precedence over the very existence of over 180 million inhabitants in the River Nile Basin. The population of the riparian states is expected to double in the coming twenty years.

The imbalance between a diminishing natural resource coupled with the consumption demands of exploding populations, is a sure recipe for an armed conflict in the region. The Nile Water Agreement of 1929 guarantees Egypt about 56 Billion cubic meters out of about 74 Billion cubic meters of the total water flow- that is roughly 76% of the total water volume. This outdated formula gives the Egyptian government almost exclusive monopoly and right of usage of the River Nile waters.

For example, one of the clauses of the agreement states: "Without the consent of the Egyptian Government, no irrigation or hydroelectric works can be established on the tributaries of the Nile or their lakes if such works can cause a drop in water level harmful to Egypt."

Times have changed and the littoral states [Kenya, Uganda, Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, Congo, and Ethiopia are under tremendous pressure to renegotiate the terms of water allocation and usage. The Egyptian demands on the waters of the River Nile are simply unsustainable. Sooner or later, the needs of other nations should addressed.

However, the Egyptian regime is not even prepared to address the issue, let alone renegotiate the terms of the old agreement. The Egyptian foreign ministry views any diversion of the Nile water as an act of war. With exploding populations of their own, the countries at the source of the Nile are vying to tap this resource within their boundaries for their domestic agricultural and industrial development needs.

Ignoring the belligerent stand of Egypt, the Tanzanian government embarked on 170 mile long pipe-line to deliver water to about 400,000 people at an estimated total cost of US$85.10 million. The rest of the East African nations question the legitimacy of this eighty year old agreement and it is a matter of time before they follow the Tanzanian example.

To be continued:
Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse

Wednesday, March 12, 2008

SOMALILAND: ISBEDDEL CULUS OO KU SOO FOOL LEH QAYBTII 4AAD

Mr. Buubaa oo la filayo inuu Somaliland yimaaddo siyaasaddana ka qayb galo, suurta gal ma tahay, maxaa ka jira? Dhallin mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaassadda Somaliland. Doonista mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland oo lagu batay. Xisbiga Kulmiye oo weli faro maroorsi iyo xodxodasho jiq isku ah. Rayaale oo xiddiggiisu sarcanayahay calanka aqoonsigana dadka hor lulaya kuna xuuxinaya. Ma keeni doonaa? Guddida Doorashada Qaranka oo tiradii dadka la il daran. Iyo weliba danaha Maraykanka ee Somaliland.
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Qaybtii 4 aad
La soco toddobaadkan
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Qaybtii 3aad
Xisbiga Kulmiye oo weli faro maroorsi iyo xodxodasho jiq isku ah.
Fikir Xorta ah -Sida laga warqabo xisbiga mucaaradka ee Somaliland ee Kulmiye ayaa u diyaar garoobaya inuu qabsado shirweynihii ay ku dooran lahaayeen madaxda tartanka doorashada madaxweyne iyo ku xigeenkisa uga qaybgeli doonta.

Waxa soo jiitamay oo illaa muddo sanad ah dib u dhacay goortii iyo habkii shirk aloo qaban lahaa. Taasoo ay ugu wacnayd hawlo badan oo ay ka mid tahay is maandhaafka awood qaybsiga xisbiga dhexdiisa.Waxa arrinta murgiyay waa habka dimoqradiyadda isku dhafan ee ay Somaliland qaadatay inay isku maamusho.

Habkan oo ah mid isu keenay dimoqradiyadda reer galbeedka iyo wadaagga beelaha am aardaayada oo la isu miisaamo.Habkan oo aanu u bixinay, “Dimoqraadiyadda Dhaqamaysan” halka ay reer galbeedku ugu yeedhaan “Hybrid Democratic System”, ayaa kellifay in uu warer keeno.Waxay siyaasiyiinta qaarkood aaminsan yihiin inay arrin beeleed ku mcaashayaan, halka ay kuwo kale ku qanacsan yihiin inay cod dheeri wax ku helayaan.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee fara maroojis, is jiidasho, kala xanaaq, iyo isu soo noqosho dabadeed waxa Xisbiga Kulmiye ugu dambayntii laga yaabaa inuu bishan Marso dhammadkeeda uu shir u qabsoomo.

Dad badan baa qaba in xisbigu iska lumiyay wakhti badan oo ay olole qaran ku geli lahaayeen. Nin lagu magacaabo Yasin Cabdilahi Ahmed oo ka mid ahaa dadka fikraddooda website yada ka dhiibtay ayaa isagoo afka ingiisiga ku qoray ku sheegay, “In ay wax waliba ku xidhnaan doonaan sida ay 500 ee xubnaha shirku ay u doortaan su’aasha cakiran ee ah sida hoggaanka fulinta iyo golaha dhexe loo dooranayo”.

Waan midda in badan hortaagnayd horumarka xisbiga sidii awoodda golaha dhexe, fulinta ama musharaxiinta loogu qoondayn lahaa beelaha kala duwan ee reer Somaliland. Iyadoo la eegayo saamaynta uu go’aan waliba ku yeelan karo mustaqbalka dadka iyo dalka.

Haddaba taagerayaasha xisbiga oo aanu wax k aweydiinay ayaa iyagoo ku kalsoon sheegay in rajada isku duubnida Kulmiye uu manta meel fiican marayo shirkuna qabsomi doona.Hase yeeshee dhinaca ka soo hojeeda oo isbadiya in aan hoggaankoodu madmadow lahayn ku murmayaan in Kulmiye uu lug halis ah ku taagan yahay iska horimaadna ka dhici karo.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee waxanu sugnaa waa qabashada shirweyanaha Xisbiga Kulmiye ee la rajaynayo inuu dhaco bishan dhamaadkeeda.
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Qaybtii 2aad

Dhallinta mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaasadda Somaliland. Doonista Mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland lagu batay.

Fikirka Xorta ah - Waxa soo kordhaya dhallinta dibadda ku nool ee ku hamiyaysa inay siyaasadda dalka iyo hoggaanka Somaliland ka qayb qaataan. Waxa dhawaan dhici doona doorashada golaha degaanka iyo ta madaxweynaha. Waxana dadka inta badan doonayaan inay ka qayb galaan golaha degaanka caasimadda iyo magaalooyinka kale ee muhiimka ah ee dalka.

Dhallintan oo u badan jiilka iyagoo dhallin yaro ah oo uu dagaalkii ku dhacay iyagoon aan weli bilaabin shaqooyin muhiim ah amaba aan dhammaysan waxbarashadii sare ee ay ku jireen.Waxay leeyihiin damac dheer oo wax hor istaagayaa aanay arkayn.

Hammigan oo ay horseed ka tahay waayo aragnimada ay ka barteen dalalka dibadda ee ay ku noolaayeen intii la soo qaxay. Iyagoo wax ka bartay, ka shaqaystay, kana helay waayo aragnimo dhinacyo badan taabanaya.Qaarkood waxay nasiib u yeesheen inay ganacsi galaan oo dhaqaale uruursi ay helaan.

Taasoo kordhisay damaca siyaasadeed ee ay leeyihiin. Dhallintan oo rag u badan oo aanay qof dumar ahi illaa hadda ku jirin ama soo shaac bixin, marka laga reebo Khadija X. Bandare oo iyadu dalka ku nool damacsanna sida lagu soo waramayo inay ka qayb qaadato tartanka Mayorka caasimadda, ayaa la filayaa inay dhiggooda siyaasiyiinta gudaha dalka ku nool iska horimaad ka dhaco.

Tusaale ahaan, waxa wararku sheegayaan inay illaa 8 ama 9 musharrax hoosta uga diyaar garoobayaan oloohooda ku aaddan siday u hanan lahaayeen jagada Duqa Caasimadda ee Hargeysa.Haddaba faraqa labadan kooxood ee qaar dibadda ka soo duuleen kuwana u haysta inay "u soo cabbeen ---" oo ay xaq u leeyihiin inay siyaadda majaraha u hayaan sidee la isugu soo dhawayn karaa?

Fadlan rayigaaga noo soo dir.
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Qaybtii 1aad

Ismaaciil Buubaa:

Fikirka Xorta ah - Runtii way adagtahay in si fudud loo garto in cidina diyaar u tahay. Iyadooy ugu wacan tahay in markooda hore aanay jirin siyaasad is raacsan ama hoggaan uu wada tashi ka dhexeeyo.

Madaxweyne Rayale iyo dawladdiisu waxay ku qanacsan yihiin in la doortay isla markaana aanay cid kale la wadaagin maamulka dalka. Waxay illaabeen in kalsoonida shacabku uu badh siiyay mucaaridka oo ay talada iyo mustaqbalka dalka wax ku leeyihiin.

Waxay dawladdu iska indha tirtaa in ay xisbiyada ama haydaha tiirarka u ah siyaasaddu yahay wada xaajood ka dhexeeya xisbiyada iyo hoggaankooda. Mucaaridku waxay ku hungoobeen inay qiimeeyaan ama ixtiraam iyo sharaf siiyaan magaca dawladnimo. Waxay ku ceeboobeen in ay xafiiska madaxweynaha oo laga yaabo inay berri ku fadhiistaan la ciseeyo.

Waxana halka ay dawladda iyo siyaasadeeda dhaleecayn u soo jeedin lahaayeen ay kaga dhegtay shakhsi yasid, magic ugu yeedhid iyo aflagaaddo. Tusaale ahaan halkii laga hadli laha hawlaha ay dawladdu ku khasaartay in la yidhaa, "Ina Rayaale” ayaa sidan iyo sidaas ah.

Taasi waxay keentay in hayadihii dalka ee xisbiyadu ka midka ahaayeen baylah noqdaan. Waana ta maanta keliftay in xisbiyada dalka ee saddexda ah ee dastuurku qorayo noqdaan kuwo magac uun u taagan. Waxana dhacda in mararka qaarkood ay qabiilo gaar ahi sheegtaan. Ama waxad maqlaysaa, “xisbigaa reer hebel baa iska leh”.

Akhriste marna ma isweydiisay sababta saddex xisbi loogu soo koobay siyaasadda dalka? Waa in laga ilaaliyo qabyaalad oo ay noqdaan hayado dastuuri ah oo u dhexeeya dhammaan muwaadin kasta oo raaca mabaadiida kay jeclaadaan. Iyadoo aan loo diidi Karin inay ku tartamaan kana mid noqdaan madaxda xisbiga ay doortaan.

Waxay markaa ku siinaysaa in aan cidna xisbi gaar ah sheegan Karin. Qofkii sheegtaana uu xaaraan yahay. Muwaadin kastaana uu sharci ahaan kula doodi karo shakhsigii ka xigsada.

Haddaba oggolaanshaha muwaadin kasta oo u dhashay isagoo ka faa’idaysanaya ayaa waxa beryahan soo baxaya warar tibaaxaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa oo ah siyaasi ka soo jeeda Somaliland hase yeeshee raacsan fikradda Somaliya uu danaynayo inuu siyaasadda Somaliland ku soo biro xilligan.

Lama hubo sababta dhabta ah welina muu shaacin, laakiin wararka sirdoonku waxay soo sheegayaan inuu arkay in ay Muqdishu iyo siyaasadii Somaliya god dheer ku sii socoto, aqoonsiga Somaliland uu dal ahaan goonni isugu taagayana mid maalinba soo kordhaysa u muuqato. Waraysi uu todoobaadkan siiyay wargeysa Geeska ayaa wuxuu Ismaaciil Buubaa si dadban ugu sheegay in uu aaminsan yahay in Somaliland ay ku socoto dariiqii aqoonsiga.

Waxanad mooddaa inuu isu diyaaarinayo sidii uu qayb libaax uga heli lahaa.Waxa la soo werinayaa oo dad ku dhawdhaw isaga iyo xisbiga mucaaradka ee UCID in ay waanwaan xoog lihi u socoto. Iyadoo lagula taliyay inuu saxaafadda ku faafiyo ammaanta Somaliland. Inuu ka toobbad keeno ka soo horjeedkii goonni isu taagga Somaliland. Inuu hantida faha badan ee uu uruursaday ku mashaqeeyo dadka baahan ee Somaliland ku sugan. Dabadeedna ka qayb qaato dawladda dambe ee la dhisi doono doorashada dabadeed.

Sidoo kale warar aan la hubin ayaa sheegaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa iyo Madaxweyne Dahir Rayaale ay dad isaga dab qaadayaan. Inkastoo aanay weli ku heshiin arrimo dhawr ah oo, haddana waxa lau warramayaa inay aad isugu so dhawaadeen beryahan.

Dadka reer Somaliland waa dad calool furan si fududna wax u cafiya. Waxa ka markhaati ah kumanaanka dambiile ee haddana dalka ku sugan. Iyadoo madaxda dalka qaarkood lagu eedeeyo inay dambiilayaal dagaal yihiin oo xasuuqii si toos ah iyo dad badanba uga qayb qaateen.

Haddaba siyaasadda Somaliland muxuu Ismaaciil buubaa ku soo kordhin karaa? Mar hadduu yahay siyaasi isbeddel badan, ma lagu aamini karaa kursi sir siyaasadeed oo kalsoonida shacabka haysta? Waa su’aal muhiim ah oo u baahan in ay aqoonyahanka seetada dalka wax ku lihi ka doodaan.

Dhinace Kale:

Ismacil Hurre Buubaa waa khabiir ruug caddaa ku ah siyaasadda Somalida oo dhinacyo badan oo heerar badan ka soo maray. Waa aqoonyahan xidhiidh fiican la leh waddamada carabta gaar ahaan dalka Sacuudi Carabiya. Waa siyaasi u dhuun daloola habka sirdoonka ee reer galbeedka oo xidhiidh fiican la leh madax kala duwan.
Markaa ma la odhan karaa wuxuu damacsan yahay cidina ma qiyaasi karto?
Jawaabtu waa mid ku xidhan daba galka taariikhdiisa wixii uu soo qabtay. Kolba go'aanada uu gaadhay iyo tallaabooyinka uu qaaday ka hor intaanu ku kicin. Waxa in badan muuqata inuu dadka uu ka dhashay ee reer Somaliland la leeyahay xidhiidh ka wanaagsan ta ay kuwa isaga la fikradda ah e Somaliweyn aminsani ay leeyihiin.
Wuxuu had iyo jeer isku dayaa inuu caawiyo kolba qofkii u yimaadda. Haddana waa nin ku dheer dhaqaale urursiga oo aan shilinna dhaafin. Hase yeeshee quudha oo bixiya marka la soo martiyo. Wuxuu ku caan yahay inuu lacag badan ku khasiro dadka isaga raacsan ama kasbado kuwo cusub. Waxana guryaha uu Nairobi, Kenya ka deggenaa xilligii Dawladda Ku Meel Gaadhka ah ee Col. Cabdullahi Yusuf la dooranayay ku sugnaa kuna noolaa dad aad u badan oo qaxooti ah.
Imaanshaha la saadalinayo inu Somaliland booqdo ama siyaaadeeda ka mid noqdaa waa mid dhicis ah oo aan dhamaystirnayn. Waa in la tixgeliyaa dhammaan arrimo fara badan inta aan meel lagu tilmaamin. Sida ay raadka taariikheed ee uu illaa hadda soo maray ka markhaati yahay, Ismaaciil Buubaa ma damacsana Somaliland oo keliya inuu xukumo ama taladeeda ka qayb qaato. Hase yeeshee waxay u egtahay xarun uu ka duulo oo uu ku meel mariyo damaciisa siyaasadeed ee ah inuu Soomaaliya Ra'iisal Wasaare ka noqdo.
Hammiga iyo damaca Ismaaciil Buubaa waxa si fudud looga dhex arki karaa sida soocan ee uu u doorto jawaabihiisa waraysiyada uu bixiyo oo uu aad u miisaamo. Waxana ugu dambeeyey sida duur xulka ah ee uu ugu jawaabay markii la weydiiyay inuu Somaliland tegayo goorta ku habboon. Waana mid loo fadhiyo lana arki doono siday ku dambayso.
Ka dhiibo Fikirkaaga

Somalia's message to the world: Get Ethiopia off our back

President George Bush recently visited five African countries — Ghana, Liberia, Tanzania, Benin and Rwanda — and sent his Secretary of State to Kenya to try to end the political crisis there. But when it comes to Somalia, the Bush administration is not only silent but openly supports Ethiopia's occupation. The situation there is now far worse than it was in December of 2006, before Addis Ababa's invasion.

In Mogadishu and much of Somalia, the American-supported Ethiopian intervention caused the deaths of more than 6,000 Somalis. According to United Nations officials, the humanitarian crisis in Somalia is "worse than Darfur" — more than a million Somalis fled their homes.

The Ethiopian occupation did not deliver the outcome that Washington desired — crushing the Islamists, creating a secure environment and leaving the country quickly. Instead, after more than a year of occupation, the picture is one of assassinations, bombings, looting, media repression and systematic displacement. Worse, there is no end in sight to the quagmire.

If there is the will, the U.S. and the rest of the international community can reverse the Somalia crisis.

The issue is not about fixing an artificial and illegitimate government that exists on the backs of Ethiopian soldiers and donors' money. The U.S. should aim at the real goals: ending the Ethiopian occupation (the source of Somalia's current problems), addressing the humanitarian catastrophe, initiating a genuine Somali-owned peace process, and dealing with the war crimes committed in the country.

It is about time the U.S. realizes that Ethiopia's occupation is radicalizing more Somalis and that the government of warlords is beyond repair. There is no choice: The occupation has to end immediately. Somalis do not want Ethiopian troops in their country and, based on the what has been happening so far, resistance to the occupation will only grow.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's scheme to create a no-win situation for the Somalis — accept the Ethiopian occupation or face a brutal civil war — will surely have a negative impact on long-term relations among the diverse communities in the Horn of Africa and different clans in Somalia. From the Somali perspective, Washington and the world community must understand that Ethiopia's occupation troops and their warlord proxies are a huge liability.

Moreover, there is an urgent need for a Somali-owned peace process. Earlier peace-building efforts failed because one or another key stakeholder was excluded. Islam as a faith and Islamists as a force cannot be ignored; the values these diverse Islamist groups represent have roots within the Somali people and must be included in any peace process. Dismissing those forces resisting the Ethiopian occupation as terrorists is neither accurate nor useful for building peace in Somalia.

The U.S. also needs to understand that its policy preference of incrementally fixing the results of the Ethiopian-manipulated peace conference in Nairobi (or imposing the Ethiopian design on the Somalis, as many believe) is untenable — the process that produced the current charter, parliament and government was tainted. What is needed is a comprehensive process that addresses governance, security and justice. The debate should start with Somalia's 1960 constitution — it is the only one that a majority of Somalis voted for and one that can accommodate different groups' constitutional and policy concerns.

The real challenge is establishing a Somali-owned peace process. One important precondition would be to empower a neutral and credible third party. The UN understands this, and urged the Saudi government to take the lead. Others believe Qatar would be an excellent candidate. The international community should also tap the expertise and connections of the Djibouti government and its president, Ismail Omar Guelleh. As an ethnic Somali, Mr. Guelleh understands the nature of the conflict, and he has good relations with Washington. He might be able to facilitate such a process if the international community is serious about ending the conflict.

Charles Taylor, Liberia's former warlord/president, is on trial for the crimes that his forces and his proxies committed against the civilians of neighbouring Sierra Leone. Therefore, the international community should not turn a blind eye when it comes to the war crimes that Ethiopia's troops and proxy Somali warlords have been committing against Somalis for the past year. Perhaps the recently created, New York-based Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect should make Somalia its first project.

If a Somali-owned peace process is established, there will be no need for foreign forces — Somalis will keep the peace as they did in peaceful areas of the country, and they will challenge all forms of extremism. The key to bringing the Somali people on board is ending the Ethiopian occupation and the warlords' impunity.

The international community has a responsibility to protect Somali civilians from Ethiopia's occupation troops. Its silence sends the wrong message — that Ethiopian soldiers are in Somalia with its consent.

Afyare Abdi Elmi is a doctoral candidate and sessional lecturer in political science at the University of Alberta.
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To join the Globe and Mail discussion including reading my comments click the link below:

Tuesday, March 4, 2008

The Cabinet Approves the New Puntland Petroleum and Minerals Law


Bossaso - A Puntland State owned website announced today that : At a cabinet meeting in Bossaso chaired by the President H.E. Mohamud Musse Hersi, the Puntland Cabinet Unanimously approved the new Puntland Petroleum and Minerals Law.

The Minister of Oil and Minerals Hon. Hassan Osman Mohamud (Allore) held a press conference after the meeting. The Minister spoke about the new law and its impact on the State’s nature resources.

The new legislation will now be passed to the Puntland Parliament in the next few days.

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So, what is the meaning of this new petroleum law? How would it impact on Somalia proper's legal obligations for prior agreements with foreign companies? How would the locals react for these on going exploitation of their land? Does "Central Somali Governments"' legislation over ride the one enacted by Puntland?

There is no question about the richness in petroleum and minerals in former Somalia where the most energy hungry countries are watching closely. Ironically, the competing legislations plus clan rivalries have complicated an already volatile situation.

The draft constitution of Puntland estibulates the regional state (Puntland) "owns the right to use the natural resources of the land".

According to Garowe online editorial, the contradiction between Somalia's TFG darft constitution and Puntand's one is clearly evident on article 48 of the Puntland's draft.

The website states, " a clause very favorable to the incumbent administration of President Mohamud "Adde" Muse. According to Article 48, Clause 2 of the Draft Constitution, the Puntland government "is responsible for the protection and exploitation of the natural resources." The following clause says: "The Puntland State may make agreements with national or foreign companies and give them the exploitation of natural resources.""

To read more about the contradiction of the two draft constitutions click the link below:
http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Editorial_29/Somalia_Puntland_s_draft_constitution_contradicts_the_federal_system.shtml

Weigh in and have your say, post your comments on Fikirka Xorta Ah.

Sunday, March 2, 2008

Are the opposition parties equipped to lead?


Kulmiye will held its 2nd congress late March. All eyes are On that congress, the party is seriously divided many issues.
One main issue is: the election of its leader and both executive And central committees, but whether the party moves forward Or backwards largely depends the 500 delegates.

Remembering that as long as the party congress is done in An open and democratic manner, dissent, debate, consensus Building and compromise will always be an essential part of It’s success or otherwise.

The challenge for the preparatory commission is to develop a set of Comprehensive, Coherent, and practical proposal for how delegates will be divided in a manner which satisfies the two main contenders, and other possible aspirants. The division of delegates into clan based formula, if it’s true, will erode the reputation of the party as well as its future existence.

The two previous losers has less chance to defeat incumbent which is At the moment more experienced, stronger and heavier then five years ago. In other words, his recent success of eastern regions, and his persistent diplomatic Accomplishments will be the center of his reelection and it is one more Glee for him to compete people he know well both their weaknesses and strengths!

Since the two opposition leaders has failed miserably to materialize their dominance At the lower house of Parliament so far, it is implausible that population will Reward them yet again, but opposite is likely to happen and Rayaale has brighter Future then both faysal and Ahmed. Unless the opposition parties nominate new Leaders which are as visionary and idealist as the Late Tomboya; otherwise they will not only fail but they will fail as how kalonzo’s miracle has failed.
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By Yassin Abdillahi ahmed Hargeisa. hotelhargeisa@hotmail.com

Thursday, February 28, 2008

SOMALILAND: ISBEDDEL CULUS OO KU SOO FOOL LEH: QAYBTII LABAAD

Mr. Buubaa oo la filayo inuu la wareego hoggaanka xisbiga UCID.

Dhallin mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaassadda Somaliland. Doonista mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland oo lagu batay.

Xisbiga Kulmiye oo weli faro maroorsi iyo xodxodasho jiq isku ah.

Rayaale oo xiddiggiisu sarcanayahay calanka aqoonsigana dadka hor lulaya kuna xuuxinaya.

Guddida Doorashada Qaranka oo tiradii dadka la il daran.

Iyo weliba danaha Maraykanka ee Somaliland.


Dhallinta mawjad ah oo ku qulqulaya siyaasadda Somaliland. Doonista Mayorka Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland lagu batay.

Waxa soo kordhaya dhallinta dibadda ku nool ee ku hamiyaysa inay siyaasadda dalka iyo hoggaanka Somaliland ka qayb qaataan. Waxa dhawaan dhici doona doorashada golaha degaanka iyo ta madaxweynaha. Waxana dadka inta badan doonayaan inay ka qayb galaan golaha degaanka caasimadda iyo magaalooyinka kale ee muhiimka ah ee dalka.

Dhallintan oo u badan jiilka iyagoo dhallin yaro ah oo uu dagaalkii ku dhacay iyagoon aan weli bilaabin shaqooyin muhiim ah amaba aan dhammaysan waxbarashadii sare ee ay ku jireen.

Waxay leeyihiin damac dheer oo wax hor istaagayaa aanay arkayn. Hammigan oo ay horseed ka tahay waayo aragnimada ay ka barteen dalalka dibadda ee ay ku noolaayeen intii la soo qaxay. Iyagoo wax ka bartay, ka shaqaystay, kana helay waayo aragnimo dhinacyo badan taabanaya.

Qaarkood waxay nasiib u yeesheen inay ganacsi galaan oo dhaqaale uruursi ay helaan. Taasoo kordhisay damaca siyaasadeed ee ay leeyihiin.

Dhallintan oo rag u badan oo aanay qof dumar ahi illaa hadda ku jirin ama soo shaac bixin ayaa la filayaa inay dhiggooda siyaasiyiinta gudaha dalka ku nool iska horimaad ka dhaco.

Haddaba faraqa labadan kooxood ee qaar dibadda ka soo duuleen kuwana u haysta inay "u soo cabbeen ---" oo ay xaq u leeyihiin inay siyaadda majaraha u hayaan sidee la isugu soo dhawayn karaa?

Fadlan rayigaaga noo soo dir.



Ismaaciil Buubaa:

Runtii way adagtahay in si fudud loo garto in cidina diyaar u tahay. Iyadooy ugu wacan tahay in markooda hore aanay jirin siyaasad is raacsan ama hoggaan uu wada tashi ka dhexeeyo.

Madaxweyne Rayale iyo dawladdiisu waxay ku qanacsan yihiin in la doortay isla markaana aanay cid kale la wadaagin maamulka dalka. Waxay illaabeen in kalsoonida shacabku uu badh siiyay mucaaridka oo ay talada iyo mustaqbalka dalka wax ku leeyihiin.

Waxay dawladdu iska indha tirtaa in ay xisbiyada ama haydaha tiirarka u ah siyaasaddu yahay wada xaajood ka dhexeeya xisbiyada iyo hoggaankooda. Mucaaridku waxay ku hungoobeen inay qiimeeyaan ama ixtiraam iyo sharaf siiyaan magaca dawladnimo. Waxay ku ceeboobeen in ay xafiiska madaxweynaha oo laga yaabo inay berri ku fadhiistaan la ciseeyo.

Waxana halka ay dawladda iyo siyaasadeeda dhaleecayn u soo jeedin lahaayeen ay kaga dhegtay shakhsi yasid, magic ugu yeedhid iyo aflagaaddo. Tusaale ahaan halkii laga hadli laha hawlaha ay dawladdu ku khasaartay in la yidhaa, "Ina Rayaale” ayaa sidan iyo sidaas ah.

Taasi waxay keentay in hayadihii dalka ee xisbiyadu ka midka ahaayeen baylah noqdaan. Waana ta maanta keliftay in xisbiyada dalka ee saddexda ah ee dastuurku qorayo noqdaan kuwo magac uun u taagan. Waxana dhacda in mararka qaarkood ay qabiilo gaar ahi sheegtaan. Ama waxad maqlaysaa, “xisbigaa reer hebel baa iska leh”. Akhriste marna ma isweydiisay sababta saddex xisbi loogu soo koobay siyaasadda dalka.

Waa in laga ilaaliyo qabyaalad oo ay noqdaan hayado dastuuri ah oo u dhexeeya dhammaan muwaadin kasta oo raaca mabaadiida kay jeclaadaan. Iyadoo aan loo diidi Karin inay ku tartamaan kana mid noqdaan madaxda xisbiga ay doortaan. Waxay markaa ku siinaysaa in aan cidna xisbi gaar ah sheegan Karin. Qofkii sheegtaana uu xaaraan yahay. Muwaadin kastaana uu sharci ahaan kula doodi karo shakhsigii ka xigsada.

Haddaba oggolaanshaha muwaadin kasta oo u dhashay isagoo ka faa’idaysanaya ayaa waxa beryahan soo baxaya warar tibaaxaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa oo ah siyaasi ka soo jeeda Somaliland hase yeeshee raacsan fikradda Somaliya uu danaynayo inuu siyaasadda Somaliland ku soo biro xilligan.

Lama hubo sababta dhabta ah welina muu shaacin, laakiin wararka sirdoonku waxay soo sheegayaan inuu arkay in ay Muqdishu iyo siyaasadii Somaliya god dheer ku sii socoto, aqoonsiga Somaliland uu dal ahaan goonni isugu taagayana mid maalinba soo kordhaysa u muuqato.

Waraysi uu todoobaadkan siiyay wargeysa Geeska ayaa wuxuu SImaaciil Buubaa si dadban ugu sheegay in uu aaminsan yahay in Somaliland ay ku socoto dariiqii aqoonsiga. Waxanad mooddaa inuu isu diyaaarinayo sidii uu qayb libaax uga heli lahaa.

Waxa la soo werinayaa oo dad ku dhawdhaw isaga iyo xisbiga mucaaradka ee UCID in ay waanwaan xoog lihi u socoto. Iyadoo lagula taliyay inuu saxaafadda ku faafiyo ammaanta Somaliland. Inuu ka toobbad keeno ka soo horjeedkii goonni isu taagga Somaliland. Inuu hantida faha badan ee uu uruursaday ku mashaqeeyo dadka baahan ee Somaliland ku sugan.

Dabadeedna ka qayb qaato dawladda dambe ee ;a djisi doono doorashada dabadeed.Sidoo kale warar aan la hubin ayaa sheegaya in Ismaaciil Buubaa iyo Madaxweyne Dahir Rayaale ay dad isaga dab qaadayaan. Inkastoo aanay weli ku heshiin arrimo dhawr ah oo, haddana waxa lau warramayaa inay aad isugu so dhawaadeen beryahan.Dadka reer Somaliland waa dad calool furan si fududna wax u cafiya.

Waxa ka markhaati ah kumanaanka dambiile ee haddana dalka ku sugan. Iyadoo madaxda dalka qaarkood lagu eedeeyo inay dambiilayaal dagaal yihiin oo xasuuqii si toos ah iyo dad badanba uga qayb qaateen.

Haddaba siyaasadda Somaliland muxuu Ismaaciil buubaa ku soo kordhin karaa? Mar hadduu yahay siyaasi isbeddel badan, ma lagu aamini karaa kursi sir siyaasadeed oo kalsoonida shacabka haysta? Waa su’aal muhiim ah oo u baahan in ay aqoonyahanka seetada dalka wax ku lihi ka doodaan.


Dhinace Kale

Ismacil Hurre Buubaa waa khabiir ruug caddaa ku ah siyaasadda Somalida oo dhinacyo badan oo heerar badan ka soo maray. Waa aqoonyahan xidhiidh fiican la leh waddamada carabta gaar ahaan dalka Sacuudi Carabiya. Waa siyaasi u dhuun daloola habka sirdoonka ee reer galbeedka oo xidhiidh fiican la leh madax kala duwan. Markaa ma la odhan karaa wuxuu damacsan yahay cidina ma qiyaasi karto?

Jawaabtu waa mid ku xidhan daba galka taariikhdiisa wixii uu soo qabtay. Kolba go'aanada uu gaadhay iyo tallaabooyinka uu qaaday ka hor intaanu ku kicin. Waxa in badan muuqata inuu dadka uu ka dhashay ee reer Somaliland la leeyahay xidhiidh ka wanaagsan ta ay kuwa isaga la fikradda ah e Somaliweyn aminsani ay leeyihiin.

Wuxuu had iyo jeer isku dayaa inuu caawiyo kolba qofkii u yimaadda. Haddana waa nin ku dheer dhaqaale urursiga oo aan shilinna dhaafin. Hase yeeshee quudha oo bixiya marka la soo martiyo. Wuxuu ku caan yahay inuu lacag badan ku khasiro dadka isaga raacsan ama kasbado kuwo cusub. Waxana guryaha uu Nairobi, Kenya ka deggenaa xilligii Dawladda Ku Meel Gaadhka ah ee Col. Cabdullahi Yusuf ku sugnaa kuna noolaa dad aad u badan oo qaxooti ah.

Imaanshaha la saadalinayo inu Somaliland booqdo ama siyaaadeeda ka mid noqdaa waa mid dhicis ah oo aan dhamaystirnayn. Waa in la tixgeliyaa dhammaan arrimo fara badan inta aan meel lagu tilmaamin. Sida ay raadka taariikheed ee uu illaa hadda soo maray ka markhaati yahay, Ismaaciil Buubaa ma damacsana Somaliland oo keliya inuu xukumo ama taladeeda ka qayb qaato. Hase yeeshee waxay u egtahay xarun uu ka duulo oo uu ku meel mariyo damaciisa siyaasadeed ee ah inuu Soomaaliya Ra'iisal Wasaare ka noqdo.

Hammiga iyo damaca Ismaaciil Buubaa waxa si fudud looga dhex arki karaa sida soocan ee uu u doorto jawaabihiisa waraysiyada uu bixiyo oo uu aad u miisaamo. Waxana ugu dambeeyey sida duur xulka ah ee uu ugu jawaabay markii la weydiiyay inuu Somaliland tegayo goorta ku habboon. Waana mid loo fadhiyo lana arki doono siday ku dambayso.

Wednesday, February 27, 2008

SOMALILAND -- A BEACON OF DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE-EAST


(Magan Ibrahim a senior Somali journalist wrote this article in 1993 right before Somaliland Parliamentary election. At that time, he was the poilitical editor of a leading somali website Hadhwanaagnews.com)


The democratization process of Somaliland is in its infancy. With hardlyany developed resources at hand, Somaliland has produced resultsunmatched by any other country within its geographic region.

Skeptics, of course, may hold a different view. Some observers, -- and especially ones who live inside the country --, may be too close to the trees in order to see the forest.
They may have great difficulty visualizing any specific outcome of the turbulent process that has been unleashed. They may fail to recognize it for what it really is: – a path to democracy.
One can get a better view of this path and see the first steps clearer at a greater distance. One begins to see the stability the peace has delivered over the years by resilience. The question, however, remains: will this delicate process sustain itself?

Certainly, there are so many things that still need to be fixed ordeveloped. The national and local infrastructure is, practically, nonexistent. Many public institutions have not even been conceived yet. The healthcare system is in shambles; public education is minimal; unemployment is high, and urgent actions must be taken to prioritize and manage the meager resources one has.

Corruption among officials is rampant and it must be at least curtailed. Inept politicians, directors, and an over abundance of totally incompetent policy makers have created a desperate situation. A systemic improvement is inconceivable unless this issue is properly resolved.

There are too many other areas in dire need of substantial improvementas well. And, after all that has already been said, one can ask the perfectly legitimate question: Is there a glimmer of hope? Is there a remote chance for a successful resolution of the present dilemma?
What redeeming seed remains there that is worth the effort not to give up? What is it that makes this war-torn region, devastated by famine, diseases and hatred, which resembles more a hell hole than a country, appear sufficiently encouraging for the great powers of the world to take notice?
Specifically, what makes this democracy, in its infant stages, stand out particularly now in view of the new world-order ideology promulgated by the United States’ president which is based on and accentuates the concept of “freedom and democracy to all”?

This change in the American policy toward the Middle East, heralded in the name of liberty, encourages bringing about gradual changes that would lead to eventual replacement of brutal dictatorial regimes.
This new policy may work to Somaliland’s advantage as well by setting an example not merely for the affluent Middle Eastern countries.

This freedom and the road to democracy is what made Somaliland stand outin the crowd.
However, the path to freedom has never been an easy one. It has neverbeen without struggle and sacrifice. The outcome, certainly, can hardlyever be predicted. And this is where Somaliland ventures now.
If nothing else, Somaliland’s struggle for the survival of its freedom deserves attention. Hopefully, the Somaliland common citizens will too take notice and appreciate what is at the heart of the struggle and what hasinitiated the success achieved so far. In essence, it is not something an outsider would ever understand. It is the product of emotional attachment to valuing peace, tranquility, and a sense of patriotism. In the end, it is a simple act of coming together to guard and cherish ones common interest.

But, what is preventing us to complete the path towards democracy and *who is the enemy?*

There can be no doubt that who the enemy is when an alien rushes acrossthe borders and invades ones homeland. This becomes even more difficult, when the enemy is “homegrown in your own back and front yard.”
How devastating and disheartening it is to discover that so many of the very same officials, who are charged with the solemn responsibility of protecting and safe guarding one’s hard-fought-for freedom, are precisely the ones, who are usurping their assumed authority, -- stealing and plundering left and right, confusing the public with useless rhetoricand are trampling the very principles that are needed to ensure thesurvival of the new democracy.

The big question and an extremely difficult task would be how to isolate such an enemy without having to resort to finger pointing?

Identifying and weeding out the perpetrators would be not only horrendously difficult, but it would also be an utterly hazardous task. The enemy will fight back ruthlessly, without mercy, with all the means it has at its disposal, jealously guarding its personal interests and preserving its continued power.
Without finger pointing, there is no other way to single out the enemy within -- the abusers of power. And in the process one is faced with various forms of retributions including being arrested and jailed. Unfortunately, that is the only open option for citizens to take…-.. Pointing out the bad apples and forcing authorities (State Elders) to take actions.

When the old regime collapsed and the political marriage of some thirty plus years failed, the de-facto speech gag rule collapsed as well. It was virtually a culture of silence that forced the public to condone gross embezzlement and plundering of all forms of public resources (from funds to land).
Since there was a total lack of scrutiny and accountability, the few tax dollars the country received that could have been used to build basic institutions, were instead diverted and were drained into personal pockets of corrupt officials and their kinships.

Almost miraculously, with the collapse of the old regime and its culture of silence, the imposed stagnation of thought and of speech came to anend as well. Deplorably, however, new forms of corruption continued asruthlessly as under the old regime.
Until now, though, the average citizen was able to enjoy the only new found freedom – the Freedom ofSpeech. This first and foremost freedom that survived from the ruins isnow being threatened and challenged as well by self-righteous politicians or individuals in power.

Why Freedom of Speech is so important in this transitional period?

Free Speech is so essential to every nation as to every person. Somalilanders are no different. They love to talk and talk and talk.They love to talk about useful and important things, as they love totalk about silly things. In the process they find new friends and whole groups who have same dreams, same hopes, same aspirations.

The ability to associate freely with whomever one chooses, to be able to organize and form groups to discuss and resolve common problems is, therefore, equally important. The right to publicly criticize anyone harming the interests of the society and to stand up against injusticeis now needed more than ever, if the democratization process is to continue.

Nevertheless, citizens need to be aware of the blurry find line between national security, self-respect, and exercising one’s freedom.

Make no mistake, we expect our politicians to rise above the skirmishes. As role models for generations to come, they must refrain from mudslinging and personal attack. Stop scoring points at the nation’s expense and focus the issues! Use constructive language that bridges the political gap! And please stop the name calling like teenagers (Gamboolay)?

We already now that without Freedom of Speech, without Freedom of the Press, without Freedom of Assembly and Association the democratization process will suffocate and die! Without democratization, the nation will not see justice. Without justice there will be no better future. Without a better future, the enormous sacrifices have been made in vain.

Already the price of freedom has been extremely high! Too many liveshave been sacrificed for our own and for our children’s future. Now itis up to us to defend our freedoms, to exercise it wisely, and to shapeour future! The next parliamentary elections will be crucial!

The question is, will the new legislators represent the interests of thecommon citizen and of the nation, or again of a particular clan?

So very much is at stake! So very much can be done!
No Freedoms, no Democracy, no Future!

Be responsible politician and Somaliland will sustain its good name within democratic nations.
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(Magan Ibrahim is a senior Somali journalist and he wrote this article in 1993 right before Somaliland Parliamentary election. At that time, he was the poilitical editor of a leading somali website Hadhwanaagnews.com and could be reached at magannews@gmail.com).
Reprinted on Fikirka Xorta ah with permission.

Sunday, February 24, 2008

Worse Than Darfur? Somalia's new prime minister talks about terrorism, civil war and a burgeoning humanitarian crisis.


By Jason McLure Newsweek Web Exclusive

Worse than Darfur. That was the assessment two weeks ago of the United Nations' top refugee official in Somalia, who called the country Africa's worst humanitarian crisis. Somalia has been without a functioning central government for 17 years and has effectively splintered into three separate states: Somaliland in the north, Puntland in the center and chaotic southern Somalia. In December 2006, U.S.-supported Ethiopian troops invaded the country to oust an Islamist government that briefly controlled Mogadishu and the south, triggering a civil war. Islamist and clan-based militias have battled Ethiopian troops and supporters of the U.S.-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG). A small force of African Union peacekeepers has been powerless to halt the violence. The war has forced 1 million people from their homes.

The transitional government's Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein, who took office three months ago, faces the challenges of reconciling Somalia's warring clans, keeping Islamic terrorists out and squelching a boom in piracy along the coast. And he must survive, of course—when he made the symbolically important step of moving the TFG back to Mogadishu last month, insurgents promptly shelled Somalia's presidential palace. Hussein, previously the chairman of Somalia's Red Crescent society, the Islamic equivalent of the Red Cross, recently spoke with NEWSWEEK's Jason McLure about the humanitarian crisis, his relationship with the Central Intelligence Agency and Somalia's tourism industry. Excerpts:
To read the interview please click link below:

Saturday, February 23, 2008

Somaliland and Somalia will soon be running their own affairs.


A GALE of constitutional change is blowing through the Horn of Africa. On February 17th, British Somaliland had a general election, the second ever held in the protectorate, and a party of swift change won a decisive victory. Elected Somaliland members now dominate a Legislative Council that three years ago did not even exist.

The timetable for independence has been written in New York, not in Whitehall. In 1950, the United Nations set a term of ten years on Italy's trusteeship of Somalia, and in June the Italians make their reluctant exit. The British in Somaliland can only follow. The Somalilanders are determined that they should go, and there is indeed no earthly reason for hanging on-beyond responsibility for what is left behind.
Somaliland and Somalia start off with roughly the same disadvantages; both are harsh, hot lands of sand and rock without water, known mineral wealth, industry or anything else that makes life easy. But the Italian trust territory has had a clear political lead over the Protectorate for which, indirectly, it can thank Mussolini and his imperial dreams.

The British military caretakers who took over region during the war exerted themselves to decontaminate the territory from fascist influence by an educational programme that was considerably ahead of anything suggested for Somaliland. Then the Italians came back, uncluttered by other colonial commitments, and more immediately aware than the British that they were working to a fierce timetable.

Somalia has virtually governed itself since 1957. Its several political parties and the maze of their tribal ramifications promised a situation of singular confusion. But the Italians, keeping democratic scruples under strict control, picked their man and stuck to him. At the general elections last year, the Somali Youth League, led by Mr Abdullahi Issa, won 85 of the 90 seats, two-thirds of them unopposed because of the "regrettable technical errors" of their opponents.
The Somaliland election last week was not distorted by any such technicalities, but the result was hardly less conclusive. The Somali National League (SNL) has won 20 of the 33 seats available; the Somali United party, a new group that shortly before the elections joined forces with the SNL, has won 12 seats. This leaves the National United Front, which won most of the seats in last year's rather timid attempt at elections, and whose members the British authorities were seriously coaching in the arts of government, with only one seat, although it got nearly a third of the total votes cast.

The victorious SNL, led by Mr Mohammed Egal, is the party loudest in its demands for quick independence (it boycotted the earlier elections) and its victory is being proclaimed by Cairo radio as a smack in the eye for imperialism. But the decisive factor in the election was probably not so much the party platforms, which were all much the same, as the complex inter-play of tribal, sub-tribal and family loyalties.

All the parties agreed that the Somaliland and Somalia should join up, sooner rather than later. Mr Lennox-Boyd, the British Colonial secretary, foreshadowed this last year when he promised British help should Somaliland seek some form of "closer association" with Somalia. Possibly when the time comes the two sides will be less keen than they are now on a complete union.The SNL is not on particularly warm terms with the Somali Youth League in Somalia, while for its part, the government at Mogadishu may cool towards the idea of straightforward fusion.
At present Somalia's government is picked from members of the Hawiye tribe-an ascendancy that is unjustified numerically, and would be very hard to maintain if a deluge of Somalilanders were to join forces with the opposition. Then comes the question of Commonwealth membership. For the commonwealth club to refuse this British territory admission would seem unlikely; but there is no certainty that the new member would be invited to bring a guest.

THE challenge is how either state, together or separately, will be able to pay its way. The World Bank has calculated that Somalia will need $6 million a year of outside help if it is to manage at all. For a time, this much is assured. The Italian government has promised $3.6 million a year for the years immediately following independence, and the Americans are expected to find most of the balance. Bananas are Somalia's only export and even they are not grown competitively; about half Italy's aid consists of the government's handsome subsidy on Somali bananas, supported by a generous quota; these arrangements are guaranteed for the next four years.
This is not entirely quixotic; the Italian banana-growers in Somalia, most of whom settled there in the nineteen-thirties, have a significant voice in the ruling party in Italy. But against them, the Italian left-wing parties have always contended that Rome should spend what money it has to spare on its strident problems nearer home. After 1964, Somalia certainly cannot count on Italian aid continuing on its present scale.

Somaliland needs less money than Somalia, because it is more rural and has about half as many people; otherwise it has roughly the same difficulties and no banana industry. Its exports are livestock and skins; both have done fairly well in the last few years, but one bad drought and Somaliland's exports go by the board. There is a seepage of oil that gives the Somalilanders hope and a dressing for their camels' saddle sores, but little else. Plans for mineral development are in the air, not on the ground. The British Government hands out £1.3 million a year, half of which is used to balance the budget and half for development and welfare.

The impossibility, even by expensive hothouse methods, of quickly raising a professional and administrative class in Somaliland has meant that a substantial proportion of the development and welfare grant is held over from year to year. Students with the minimum qualifications are now being bundled off to Britain for further education; in 1959 the Colonial Office gave 60 scholarships, three times as many as in 1956. The nomad existence and deeply suspicious attitude of most Somalilanders provide excuses for Britain's late start, but these do not mitigate the stark difficulty of building on little or no foundation.

OVERSHADOWING all these problems is the question of Ethiopia's attitude towards its young, noisy, and weaker neighbours. Somalis are flagrantly calling down trouble upon themselves by the clamour for a Greater Somalia; the union of all Somali-speaking people in Somalia, Somaliland, French Somaliland, Kenya-and Ethiopia. The Pan-Somali movement is led from Mogadishu by an exile from French Somaliland, but some Somali politicians automatically include it in their creed. It gets a certain support from Cairo, although the Egyptians themselves are shaky about what sort of trouble they are trying to stir up for whom in the Horn.

Even if Somali politicians are now only playing lip service to irredentism, the fact that they have committed themselves to wooing and subverting the Somalis in the Ogaden invites Ethiopian retaliation. Addis Ababa, already seriously concerned about the succession to the throne and running an empire that could be knocked apart by one good blow, is in no mood to wait and see what its neighbours are really up to. When in September, 1958, French Somaliland held its referendum, the Ethiopians showed their teeth-and the determination not to lose the right of access to Djibouti-in moving their troops to the frontier.

In the event, French Somaliland, whose population is evenly divided between Somalis and Danakil, voted heavily in favour of continued attachment to France.
Ethiopian suspicions and Somali ambitions have killed all hope of settling the immediate frontier issues. The border between Ethiopia, Somaliland and Somalia runs roughly down the middle of a hundred-mile-wide strip that each side claims.

Mr Trygvie Lie was recently appointed by the United Nations to try his hand at mediation, but like others before him had to acknowledge defeat. On the Somaliland frontier, the ceaseless quarrels over Somali grazing rights in the Haud can only grow more passionate with the departure of the British. When in 1897 the British Government signed away the Haud, its mind was on other African troubles; Somaliland inherits an overwhelming grievance.

Both Somaliland and Somalia face a horribly difficult infancy as independent states. But what both must get in their heads is the loneliness of their position if they try Ethiopia too far. None of the western powers will have any interest in supporting a Somali campaign against Ethiopia.

© The Economist Newspaper Limited, London, February 27th 1960