What is happening in The Horn of Africa

The Week and the Horn! (Toddobaadka Iyo Geeska Afrika)

There was a hearing by the U.S. House of Representatives' Subcommittee onAfrica. The majority of the hearing was about the secuirty and human rights in the Horn of Africa. Jendayi Frazer, undersecretary of State on African affairs was among the individuals testefied infront of the committee.

Ms. Frazer emphazised the need to urge Ethiopian government to refrain killing and restricting movement civilians. She descriped the working relationship with US and Ethiopian governments but warned the volatility of the security and instability of the Horn.

Also testified was Dr. Peter Pham of James Madison University. Dr. Pham hailed Somaliland progress as well asits closeness to the U. S. and in light of U.S.'s promotion of democracy inthe Horn, urged the Bush administration to fully engage Somaliland. Dr. Pham described the dier situation in Somalia and the meddling of the neighboring countries.

After two days of hearing, The United States House of Representatives has passed a bill supporting human rights and democracy in Ethiopia. This bill is called , "The Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007 on Tuesday.

In order to become a law, the bill must now be passed in the Senate and then signed by President George W. Bush.

Ethiopia's was accused of human rights abuses in the past.

Dhinaca kale Somalida Geeska Afrika Deggan ayaa waxa saameeyey dhacdoooyin fara badan oo aan la qiyaasi karin:

Muqdishu: Dagaallo ayaa habeen iyo maalin galaafta dad badan oo rayid ah. Waxa inta badan dagaaladaasi ka dhacaan goobaha ganacsiga iyo meelaha shacabku deggan yihii.

Waxase warka ugu kululi yahay is maandhaafka Col. C/lahi Yusuf iyo Geeddi oo khilaaf xoog lihi ku dhex jiro. Waxana ay wasiirro badan oo uu ku jiro Buubaa soo jeediyeen in barlaamankoda ku sugan Baydhaba uu cod kalsooni ah u qaado dawladda Geeddi. Waxana ay taasi ku tusaysaa in dad badani ka soo horjeedaan Geeddi.

Midda kale Geeddi wuxuu isagu garab ka haystaa dawladda Ethiopia iyo ciidamada ku sugan Xamar. Waxa kale oo uu dhawaan la shiray hoggaamiye dhaqamadeedyada Hawiye oo la filayo inay taageeraan mar haddii uu keenay raalli gelin ballan qaadayna inuu la tashado waxna la qabsado.

Dhinca Kornaylka waxa la sheegayaa inuu soo wato ama uu rabo inuu Ra'iisal Wasaare ka dhigo nin Habar Gidir ah oo Cayr ah aanse weli magiciisa la shaacin.

Weli waxay ku sugan yihiin dhammaantood kooxda Embagathi magaaalada Baydhaba oo muran ka dhex aloosan yahay. Waxana la sheegayaa in ammaanka la adkeeyey oo nabadgelyo xumo ka taagantahay.

Somaliland: Waxa dib loo dhigay doorashadii dawladaha hoose ama goleyasha degaanka. Waxa kale oo dib lo dhigay doorashada Madaxnimada Somaliland oo illaa xagaaga dambe la filayo in la qabto.

Waxa kale oo soo gebageboobay is hirdigii gudaha ee Xisbiga Kulmiye. Waxana la filayaa in dhawaan la qabto shirweynihii xisbiga oo dhici doona ciidda dabadeed.

Sidoo kale dagaaladii ka dhex dhacay maleeshiyada gadoodsan ee Laas Caanood ay ku qaadeen Maleeshiyada Puntland ayaa qaboobay. Waxana la shegayaa in ciidamada Somaliland oo taagerayay maleeshiyada reer Laas Caanood ay ku sugan yihiin duleedka magaaladaasi.

Wararka kale ee Somalida khuseeya waxa ka mid ah Fannaanada Caanka ah Nimo Yassiin oo sheegtay inay heshay qoyskii ay ka dhalatay oo ay hore uga luntay. Ka dib markii ay muddo dheer ogayd oo ay DNA is qaaddayna ay xaqiijisay in magaceeda la yidhaa Burcad Jaama Xirsi oo ay hooyadeed oo cad ahna la kulantay. Sido kale waxay Burcad ku dhawaaqday urur cusub oo caruurta sideeda oo kale ah lagu taageero.

Djibouti: Hore u marka dhinaca dhaqaalaha ee Djibouti ayaa wacdaro sii muujinaya oo madaxweyne Cumar Geelle uu u tafa xaytay inuu dalkiisu noqdo mid mandaqadda Geeska Afrika u noqda xarunta ganacsiga.

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Somalia: TFG vs. Somaliland Showdown in Disputed SoolRegion.

By Dalmar Kaahin

In early 2005, as soon as Abdullahi Yussuf wasparachuted into the presidential seat in Baidabo,Somalia, defeating the Islamic Court Union ICU andwarlords in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, seemedto be in his priority. However, the Mogadishu battlewas just a smokescreen to hide his real motive. Theultimate fight! From the get go, a showdown betweenthe Transitional “Federal” Government of Somalia TFGand Somaliland seemed inevitable. And no sooner hasMr. Yussuf barely quelled his opponents in Mogadishu,of course while he hid behind the Ethiopian tanks,than he has daringly attempted to expand his authorityinto Somaliland territory. No time wasted! But who isgoing to fight for him this time?

Recently, Mr. Yussuf not only opened an immigrationoffice which would soon issue Somali passports andtraveling documents to travelers, in Laasannod (theprovincial capital of the disputed Sool region, inSomaliland), but he also sent thousands of the TFGtroops stationed in central Somalia to Sool in orderto test Somaliland’s strength. As a result, althoughrarely reported by the media, a showdown betweenSomaliland and the TFG troops has been looming on thehorizon for past few months. So as the battle fieldsgrow so are the minefields. Thousands of troops fromboth sides with their deadly weapons flooded theregion. An interview with widhwidhonline radio (apro-TFG radio), a Puntland frontline commander evenconfirmed the TFG forces have been fighting alongPuntland’s in Sool region.

The commander states, “TheDarawhish (Puntland militias) and the TFG forces arebattling against Somaliland troops.” Also, accordingto radiowidhwidh, “Heavily armed TFG forces from thecentral regions of Somalia have been pouring into thebattle fields in Sool and fighting against Somalilandtroops.” Furthermore, wardheernews website alsoreported the influx of the TFG troops pouring intoSool region. Additionally, a Puntland website reports,“The fight between Somaliland and Puntland troops hasbeen the heaviest yet.” What is going on? If Puntlandforces were supposedly spread throughout SouthernSomalia to protect Mr.Yussuf—a former warlord ofPuntland and now the president wannabe of Somalia—thenthe mind-boggling question is: where did these new andheavily armed troops come from?

During the Mogadishu massacre in which over 2000citizens were slaughtered by the brutal Ethiopiantroops, Gen. Adde Musse, the current president ofPuntland, signed an agreement with Mr. Yussuf in thebattered capital. And despite the chaos and masscivilian killings in the city, for Abdullahi Yussufand for Gen. Adde Musse (cousins of shame) it wasbusiness as usual. Nothing to worry about! In thisagreement, the entire Puntland forces would operateunder the TFG’s scrutiny, but if need be these forceswould be deployed to the battle fields in the disputedregions of Sool and Eastern Sanag.

So, in April, 2007 when Somaliland and Puntland forceswere locked into a deadly battle for control ofDhahar, a small town in Eastern Sanag region, thePrime Minster of Somalia, Mr. Geedi, quickly flew toBossaso, the capital of Puntland, and not onlyexpressed his unequivocal support for Puntland butalso, as reinforcement, he deployed a fresh batch ofthe TFG troops from Mogadishu to Puntland. And onceagain, in light of Sool crisis, the TFG deployedthousands of heavily armed forces to anotherprone-conflict area—Laasanod, the provincial capitalof Sool. So in essence, the TFG and Puntland forcesare one and the same. These forces are led by Mr.Yussuf who, in the first place, invaded Sool region in2003, and Gen. Adde Musse who is now left to carry thelegacy of Mr. Yussuf. Surely enough, these forcesreceived much needed training and weapons, so war willinevitably engulf the region soon.

Much of the training provided for Puntland militiasdisguised as the new Somali National Army SNA wasbased on clan loyalty. In the heat of battle and clanpolitics loyalty is crucial, so is the U.S. support.Since the ill-conceived U.S. sponsored plan to liftthe UN arms embargo imposed on Somalia succeeded, thenew SNA (predominantly former Puntland militias)received lots of weapons from Ethiopia, Yemen andother players. Having much needed logistics, i.e.superior military machines and the backing ofInternational funding, these heavily equipped butbarley disciplined and remotely motivated SNA or TFGforces finally gained some confidence to attackSomaliland forces which they previously considered aformidable army.

On the other hand, Somaliland has had its arms tiedbehind its back. The arms embargo is still imposed onit, however; it luckily lost few soldiers for the past17 years, and its field commanders are mainly fromformer SNA forces of during Gen. Siad Barre’s era. (Bythe way, the rest of the former SNA commanders inMogadishu were assassinated one by one before theinvasion of Ethiopia. No wonders there!) Without adoubt, the Somaliland Army is highly disciplined andwell trained. Not to mention, the army maintains ahigh moral standards consistently. But the unfair armsembargo against Somaliland as well as the absence ofmillions of dollars from the so-called Internationalcommunity would compel the troops to fight their handstied behind their back. Nonetheless, make nomistake—as history attests, they would pose to be aformidable army. Now another question comes to mind:who instigated the latest fight in Sool?

Though the latest flare-up in Sool was the result oftwo opposing local militias from Sool region asreported by the BBC, nonetheless, Puntland and TFGregimes sought this conflict as an opportunity todistort the reality on the ground and to testSomaliland’s defense capability. As part of Mr. Yussufand Gen. Adde Musse’s grand strategy, while theEthiopian forces quell the upraising against the TFGand the occupation itself, the TFG forces wouldcontinue provoking Somaliland, at the same time theterrorist card would be played exhaustively to drawthe attention of gullible Americans.

Shamelessly, the TFG and Puntland have over-played theterrorist card. (Surely, by now George Bush is saying,“Hell with your terrorist crap, it never works”).During the battled between Somaliland and Puntlandforces, in Dhahar, Eastren Sanag, Mr. Geedi, while inBosaso, accused Somaliland of harboring terrorists andattacking Puntland. He states, “The conflict inDhahar is the work of the terrorists—the Islamic CourtUnion and Somaliland forces who want to destabilizePuntland and the TFG.” As part of his rescue efforts,Mr. Geedi is once again in Puntland to prop up supportfor the war in Sool region where he is expected tospit out nails and label Somaliland as a safe heavenfor terrorists. Maybe out of either pure frustrationor sheer ignorance, Mr. Geedi—a die-hard Ethiopianstooge—reflexively tantamount everything, includingbird droppings, to an act of terrorism.

Also, in these latest fights, Puntland quickly accusedthe Somali Liberation group—whom both the TFG and thePuntland authorities consider a terrorist group—formedin Eritrea and Somaliland of attacking Sool region.Ever wonder if the TFG—Puntland quisling leaders wouldgive up their terrorist crap? It is all about:terrorists! terrorists! terrorists! But no vision!Sadly enough, with their spectacular belly-dances theyshamelessly continue entertaining the U.S. andvoluntarily keep recycling its regurgitatedvomit-worthy propaganda of war on ghost terrorists.

Finally, despite enjoying the International backing,the TFG is obviously committing suicide by attackingSomaliland. But Hargaisa (Somaliland capital) won’tgive up an inch of its territory, nor will it budge onits quest for International recognition.

Paradoxically, in its efforts to promote democracy andto fight against terrorism, the Internationalcommunity inadvertently continues to destabilizeSomaliland not only for withholding its recognitionbut also by providing arms and resources to the TFG.

Clearly, the majority of the TFG forces are formerPuntland militias because Gen. Adde himself singed anagreement, which placed the entire Puntland militiasunder the TFG’s command, with Mr. Yussuf. Now thesecombined forces (former Puntland militias and TFG’snon-Puntland forces) are used as a bulwark againstSomaliland forces. So, it does not require a rocketscientist to figure out the thousands of heavily armedforces from the central region of Somalia that havebeen pouring into Sool region, as reported by varioussources, belong to the TFG.

Undoubtedly, the presenceof the TFG troops in Sool and opening an immigrationoffice in Laasanod confirms the TFG ultimategoal—creating chaos in Somaliland.

Interestingly enough, no immigration offices has beenopened in Bossaso or in Garowe (major Putland cities),but opening one in the heart of a conflict-prone arealike Laasanod seemed more appealing to the TFG. Thatis, provoking and destabilizing Somaliland is in theTFG’s top priority list.

As for Mr. Geedi’s poorly rehearsed terrorismpropaganda, from the start, he voluntarily jumped onthe bandwagon of war on imagined “terrorists” (but heevidently landed on the wrong side) and desperatelyattempted to ingratiate with the U.S. He constantlyscreams so loud and shrill—the typical crying wolf.But his pathetic transparent lies and shamelessfear-mongering tactics now made him more of a nuisancethan an alliance.

Dalmar kahin
dalmar_k@yahoo.com

Somaliland Non-Governmental Organizations’ Double ‎Sword Phenomenon And Lack Of Government Oversight

FX - It is not surprising to see a number of Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in a poor, underdeveloped country that is recovering from a civil war. In fact, in the case of Somaliland , where peace and the rule of law prevailed for the past 14 years, it has allowed the number of NGO’s and their sizes to increase at an unprecedented rate.

Since Somaliland is not yet recognized as an independent state, more money passes through NGOs than as a direct aid to the government from the World Bank, IMF, EU or wealthy donors, according to reports.

Who are the NGOs and how do they operate?

To begin with, suggesting that the local areas depend on their assistance publicizes NGOs’ main contribution. Their image is usually created by fine slogans.

The better ones provide training for unskilled labor and give microfinance loans for start-up businesses. They are also involved in humanitarian and financial development, and in emergency relief.

Some exist to nurture self-serving individuals who hide behind the NGOs’ names and spend most of the aid funds by enriching and indulging themselves. In the process, they award themselves and their relatives generous salaries, perks, and preferred access to Western goods and credits. Critics think that in most poor countries of the world, NGOs have evolved into vast networks of patronage.

The worst NGOs, however, have different approach. They set up their economic leverage in such a way that it would allow them with absolute recklessness and utter impunity to impose their will and agenda on the very same people that they are supposed to be serving. Their iron grip on food, medicine, and the general financial means, in essence, transform such NGOs into an alternate, or de facto, government that is usually as abusive, venal and graft-stricken as the one they replace. That makes them inconspicuous malevolence.

Who Governs NGOs?

In Somaliland the NGOs’ culture is novel to the public. Mostly the poor literate citizens misconstrue NGOs intentions and innocently place their trust in them without hesitation. There are no laws that would govern the NGOs’ activities and, apparently, there is not a single governmental branch capable of monitoring and regulating them.

By comparison, developed nations, typically, have strict rules that limit NGOs’ operations. Such institutions are often referred to as ‘not-for-profit’ organizations. They are mostly prohibited from participation in political or partisan causes. In fact, if an NGO wants to take part in some political activity, it must inform the government its intentions. In that case a separate law may allow it to exercise its desired service. However, it becomes subjected to greater scrutiny.

That way developed countries put checks and balances on the services of the NGOs. In the course of the year, some of them are required to file detailed reports about their activities. NGOs may be subject to an audit by different governmental entities such as the state or the federal department of the revenue or the Justice Department. At the end of the year, some of them may be required to submit their financial reports, showing receipts where the money was used and even where their funding is coming from.

Where is the funding coming from?

In Somaliland, the financing of NGO's is invariably obscure and their sponsors remain unknown. The bulk of the income of most non-governmental organizations, even of the largest ones, usually comes from foreign powers. Many NGOs serve as official contractors for governments and religious organizations that, one way or the other, have vested interest in a particular country.

Gathering intelligence, burnishing their image, and promoting the interests of their sponsors may be some of the expected outcomes of the investments. The existence of a revolving door between the NGO's staff and the officials of the host country could effectively brake down a government’s bureaucracy by allowing the staff members to penetrate the political strata of the country. This way, a government that lacks in resources and suffers from a weak system may end up knowing less about the eagerly helpful NGOs than the NGOs may know about that government.

Problems

It is clear that Somaliland is no different than any other poor nation. Its system is not yet equipped to deal with the NGOs dilemma. Consequently, for the time being, most NGOs operating in Somaliland enjoy a great deal of freedom.

A recent NGOs’ meeting in Hargeisa, hosted by anti Somaliland organizations that have been covering up the country’s blight right under the auspices of the NGOs, is a blaring example of the far reaching political role they play.

This particular meeting has opened venues to other Somaliland haters to challenge the legitimacy of the country itself. The reports coming out of Somaliland has infuriated many of its citizens that live inside and outside the country.

What exasperated the situation is the reported heated exchange between Dr. Mohamed Rashid SH. Hassan (one of the most prominent Somaliland scholars) and some of the meeting’s participants. The boiling point was reached when they openly refused to acknowledge Somaliland ’s right to exist as a country. Instead, they sarcastically referred to it as ‘another region of Somalia.’

Many inhabitants who became familiar with some of the NGOs’ strategies began to suspect their motives. They feel that the NGOs are promoting an agenda of coercing Somalilanders into a false union with Somalia .

Using European financing, the recent so-called ‘umbrella Organization meeting’ was supposed to discuss how to coordinate the distribution of aid funds to Somalis in the Horn. The intentions may have been good. Many participants, however, have asserted their own political beliefs while disregarding the expressed interests of their hosts, the people of Somaliland.

Consequences to Remain Silent

Whether the latest news is correct or not, the government of Somaliland demonstrated how confused it is about its priorities. Too readily it brushed too many of the ill-placed comments made by the attendees of the meeting. Doesn’t the Government know that ‘Pride and Panic’ nerve is always susceptible to this kind of rumor?

If it is true, imagine how hurtful this would be to our public see their government has also completely ignored participants questioning of the Somalilander’s right exist and its hard fought independence and freedom. People’s reaction to this kind of news has always a devastating effect. It has the potential escalation to create mistrust between citizens and the government, mainly around its ability to secure the nation’s interest.

Solutions

The government should raise questions concerning issues that involve NGOs. It should oversee their activities and curtail their influence.

The new Parliament obviously has work to do in these areas. It must introduce and adopt legislation that would manage the NGOs. It must pass statutes that would censure those NGOs that mix aid with politics. In particular, the Parliament should curb operations of those NGOs that are plotting to solve Somali political problems using the backs of citizens.

Furthermore, the Government of Somaliland must not allow this clever enemy to hide behind the Freedom of Speech. Citizens have elected its government. One of its duties is to defend their sovereignty. Being “nice” and applying apologetic rhetoric has not worked; it is time to show ones backbones. Otherwise, during the next elections, the people will place their hopes with the opposition-controlled parliament.

One thing is clear: the situation is not conducive to co-existence between anti Somaliland operatives, who are hiding behind foreign do-gooders, and the indigenous, die-hard Somalilanders. It may even provoke a new call to arms among the presently still dormant freedom fighters.

Magan Ibrahim, USA

(This article was originally published in Somaliland Media on December, 2005)

Dagaalka Laas Caanood iyo Doorasha Somaliland

Xurguftan dagaal ee ka soo cusboonatay Laas Caanood sidee bay u saamayn doontaa maamulka Somaliland.

Inkastoo ay dawladda Somaliland ka warwareegtay dagaal lagu qaado maleeshiyada Laas Caanood haysata, hatana waxay ku khasbanaatay in ay difaacdo aagga hore ee ay ciidnakeedu fadhiyaan.

Waxa hore siyaasiyiin badani u soo jeediyeen in xuduudda la soo taabto. Waxayna ahayd dhawaaq siyaasadeed oo aan qorshe wadan. Waxana maamulka Rayaale muujiyay dulqaad iyo samir laga yaabo inuu ama faa'ido keeno ama xaalka sii murgiyo.

Shaki kuma jiro inuu Madaxweynuhu kediskii uu ku tegay Laas Caanood sannadkii 2003 uu ahaa mid aanu ka foojignaan. Waxase arrinta sii adkeeyey markii faraha laga qaaday oo siyaasad ku wejahan bariga Somaliland cidiba soo qaadi wayday. Wuxuna u muuqday dal la dayacay oo kuwa haysta looga tegay.

Haddaba mar haddii maanta Sandulle lagaga dhigay in dagaal la galo. Xilli weliba lagu jiro u diyaar garowga doorashooyinka degaanka iyo ta madaxweynaha oo daba socota, xisbiyada mucaaridka ma u isticmaali doonaan arrin (issue) ay dawladda iinteeda ku muujiyaan? Dawladduse ma tusi kartaa shacbiga inay tahay mid xooggan oo difaaci karta dalka?

Waxa u baahan in la eego waxyaabaha tartanka doorashada lagu geli karo ama noqon kara qodobo qoloba qolada kale ku eryato.

Maxaad u malaynaysaa inay arrimaha muhiimka ee olalaha doorashada lagu geli karaa ay yihiin (Important election campaign issues)?

Maxay qabatay dawladdu intii ay ballan qaadday? Mucaaridku ma dhaami doonaan? Nala wadaag fikirkaaga.

Magan